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政治思想史

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1

Trousson, Raymond / Vercruysse, Jeroom (dir.), Dictionnaire general de Voltaire. (Champion classiques, references et dictionnaires 18) 1272 p. 2020:10 (Champion, FR) <670-9>
ISBN 978-2-38096-016-7 paper ¥7,064.- (税込) EUR 38.00

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1

Busk, Larry Alan, The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand. 276 pp. 2023:9 (Lexington Books, US) <710-640>
ISBN 978-1-66692-963-8 hard ¥23,562.- (税込) US$ 105.00 *

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course, but are the philosophical differences more apparent than real? The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential Right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. Larry Alan Busk suggests that this is more than just an unfortunate coincidence. Once the ideal of "the rational society" is abandoned, the Right is able to offer intelligible and compelling arguments for its political conclusions, whereas the Left has no corresponding case to make for its positions on either economic or "cultural" issues. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called "deliberate design" in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial-not merely nominal-departure from Right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous.

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2

19世紀以降のリベラリズムと社会主義
Guy, Stephane / Okan, Ecem / Boullet, Vanessa et al. (eds.), Liberalism and Socialism since the Nineteenth Century: Tensions, Exchanges, and Convergences. 194 pp. 2023:12 (Palgrave Macmillan, UK) <710-642>
ISBN 978-3-031-41232-5 hard ¥34,030.- (税込) EUR 139.99 *

This book aims to re-evaluate the relations between two major ideologies that have been increasingly contested in recent years, yet continue to be invoked or rejected as foundational systems for political thought or action. With socialism conceiving of itself as an alternative to economic liberalism, the two systems of thought emerged partially in opposition to each other. However, this book seeks to redefine their specificities and the way in which they have not only opposed each other but drew on common notions or paradigms to become both competing and complementary systems of thought and practices. With contributions from eminent political scientists and historians of political and economic thought, the book examines how the polarisation of debates and politicisation of concepts such as property, freedom, the individual, or the State, serve to construct the adversary and form a basis for political commitment. Offering an interdisciplinary assessment of the relation between liberalism and socialism, the authors help to make sense of current debate on individual freedom, political obligation and the changing role of the State. Providing an innovative perspective, this edited collection will be of interest to scholars and students researching political and economic thought, history or science, as well as anyone seeking to understand current developments affecting Western societies, and their past, present, and future ideologies.

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3

Murray, Patrick / Schuler, Jeanne, Philosophical and Political Consequences of the Critique of Political Economy: Recognizing Capital. (Political Philosophy and Public Purpose) 341 pp. 2023:8 (Palgrave Macmillan, UK) <710-27>
ISBN 978-3-031-37544-6 hard ¥34,030.- (税込) EUR 139.99

This book extends the approach that Murray and Schuler develop in their companion volume, False Moves in Philosophy and Social Theory: Losing Public Purpose. The chapters form a connected inquiry into consequences of capital, a far-reaching social form, through a critique of political economy and the mindset it shares with much modern philosophy and social theory. The authors call this bifurcating mentality factoring philosophy. Factoring philosophy mistakes the distinguishable for the separable. It splits the subjective and objective, form and content, and it takes the object of social theory to be an impossible economy-in-general, stripped of constitutive social forms. The critique of factoring philosophy structures the collection, which makes a wide-ranging contribution to the research field of the critique of political economy as critical social theory. Ultimately, this book solidifies Murray and Schuler's impact on the study of political economy, political philosophy, modern philosophy, Hegel, Marx, and critical theory.

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4

ルソーの共和主義
Dyer, Megan K., Rousseau's Republicanism: The Hope of the Just. 236 pp. 2023:9 (Lexington Books, US) <710-13>
ISBN 978-1-66691-837-3 hard ¥22,440.- (税込) US$ 100.00 *

Reading Rousseau as a republican thinker might seem almost too obvious a proposition. All the same, the Genevan is often struck from accounts of modern republicanism given by those associated with the revival of republican thought. At the root of this omission is perhaps the greatest puzzle of Rousseau's republicanism is that it demands his readers untangle the omission. In bringing the republic's sovereign power into the Enlightenment, Rousseau pairs it both with the premise of natural liberty and equality and also with an account of man singularly unsuited to realizing the rightful consequences of this shared nature.Looking to both major works and lesser-known writings, this book demonstrates that, in the face of human finitude and the formidable demands of right, Rousseau crafts a robust yet judicious account of the republic. Through comparison with various republican lineages, its chapters explore Rousseau's engagement with leading moral and political problems that have defined and redefined republicanism: attaining virtue, preserving liberty, sustaining the social order, orienting persons toward the common good, and having the law rule over men. The goods of civil association are always precarious, yet Rousseau nonetheless recognizes in human community an answer to the great problems of his thought-those of inequality, unhappiness, and unfreedom.

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