Trousson, Raymond / Vercruysse, Jeroom (dir.), Dictionnaire general de Voltaire. (Champion classiques, references et dictionnaires 18) 1272 p. 2020:10 (Champion, FR) <670-9>
ISBN 978-2-38096-016-7 paper ¥7,064.- (税込) EUR 38.00

de Villers, Vincent Tremolet, Une histoire de la pensee politique: les grandes oeuvres commentees: Platon, Aristote, Saint Augustin, Machiavel.... (Texto) 348 p. 2023:8 (Tallandier, FR) <711-782>
ISBN 979-10-210-5883-5 paper ¥2,674.- (税込) EUR 11.00

Freller, Felipe, Quand il faut decider: Benjamin Constant et le probleme de l'arbitraire. (Constitution de la modernite 40) 282 p. 2023:8 (Classiques Garnier, FR) <711-783>
ISBN 978-2-406-14947-7 hard ¥20,420.- (税込) EUR 84.00
ISBN 978-2-406-14946-0 paper ¥8,508.- (税込) EUR 35.00

マキァヴェッリの戦争論
Lynch, Christopher, Machiavelli on War. 384 pp. 2023:12 (Cornell U. Pr., US) <711-784>
ISBN 978-1-5017-7302-0 hard ¥11,207.- (税込) US$ 49.95 *

Machiavelli on War offers a comprehensive interpretation of the philosopher-historian's treatment of war throughout his writings, from poems and memoranda drafted while he was Florence's top official for military matters to his posthumous works, The Prince and Discourses on Livy. Christopher Lynch argues that the issue of war permeates the form and content of each of Machiavelli's works, the substance of his thoughts, and his own activity as a writer, concluding that he was the first great modern philosopher because he was the first modern philosopher of war. Lynch details Machiavelli's understanding of warfare in terms of both actual armed conflict and at the intellectual level of thinkers competing on the field of knowledge and belief. Throughout Machiavelli's works, he focuses on how military commanders' knowledge of human necessities, beginning with their own, enables and requires them to mold soldiers, organizationally and politically, to best deploy them in operations attuned to political context and changing circumstances. Intellectually, leaders must shape minds, their own and others', to reject beliefs that would weaken their purpose; for Machiavelli, this meant overcoming the classical and Christian traditions in favor of a new teaching of human freedom and excellence. As Machiavelli on War makes clear, prevailing both on the battlefield and in the war of ideas demands a single-minded engagement in "reasoning about everything," beginning with oneself. For Machiavelli, Lynch shows, the successful military commander is not just an excellent leader but also an excellent human being in constant pursuit of the truth about themselves and the world.

Mulieri, Alessandro / Masolini, Serena et al. (eds.), Marsilius of Padua: Between History, Politics, and Philosophy. (Disputatio 36) 445 pp. 2023:9 (Brepols, BE) <711-32>
ISBN 978-2-503-60133-5 hard ¥27,956.- (税込) EUR 115.00 *

アイルランドにおけるT.ホッブズと政治思想　1660～1720年
Ward, Matthew, Thomas Hobbes and Political Thought in Ireland c.1660- c.1720: The Leviathan Released. (Oxford Historical Monographs) 336 pp. 2024:1 (Oxford U. Pr., UK) <711-20>
ISBN 978-0-19-890412-0 hard ¥25,938.- (税込) GB￡ 90.00 *

Thomas Hobbes and Political Thought in Ireland, c.1660-1730 is a history of political thought in Ireland, told from the perspective of the reception in that country of Thomas Hobbes, the English philosopher. Unlike Hobbes, political thought in Ireland has received little attention from historians: it is sometimes assumed that there is not much of a subject to study. The reception of Hobbes in Ireland forces us to challenge this assumption. To begin with, Matthew Ward highlights the variety and sophistication of political thought in Ireland. In his political thought, Hobbes was preoccupied by sovereignty, which he conceptualized in terms of natural law and made the defining characteristic of the commonwealth, or the 'Leviathan'; but he applied his concept of sovereignty to a broad range of political issues. His political thought was also part of a wider philosophical system which comprehended history, theology, natural philosophy, and mathematics. They may have been fewer than their counterparts in England, but Hobbes's readers in Ireland read him closely and compulsively. Indeed, they often fixated on his treatment of subjects, such as taxation, corporations, and the organization of empire, that were overlooked by his readers in England. The reception of Hobbes in Ireland also tells, therefore, of the distinctiveness of Ireland as a context of political thought. Hobbes's readers in Ireland were not only concerned with a distinctive selection of subjects; they also received Hobbes more positively than his readers in England. In England, Hobbes's concept of sovereignty was reviled for emasculating Parliament, the Anglican Church, and the common law. Too compelling to ignore, the 'Leviathan' had to be 'tamed'. In Ireland, where these institutions were weaker, the 'Leviathan' could be released. The key figures in the reception of Hobbes in Ireland in this period- Sir William Petty, John Vesey, and Edward Synge- were of different generations and political contexts. All three, however, engaged with aspects and implications of Hobbes's concept of sovereignty, to which they more sympathetic than their English contemporaries, to intervene in Irish politics. They prompt us to consider the geography of the discourse of sovereignty in the British world, not only in those days, but also in these.