"This book provides the first book-lengthy study focusing on Artificial Intelligence (AI) with Chinese characteristics, in line with China's open ambition of becoming an AI superpower by 2030. China's unique domestic politics has developed distinct characteristics for its AI approach. By analysing national strategy, security and governance aspects of AI in China, this book argues that China's AI approach is sophisticated and multifaceted, and it has brought about both considerable benefits and challenges to China.

First, many characterize China's AI approach as a nationally concerted top-down geopolitical strategy to advance Beijing's unified objective. This book argues that this view is mistaken. It shows that China's AI politics is largely shaped by economically rather than geopolitically motivated domestic stakeholders. In addition, China's national AI plan is an upgrade of existing local AI initiatives to the national level, reflecting a bottom-up development.Thus, China's AI strategy is more of a political manifesto rather than a concrete policy plan.

The second part of the book discusses how the Chinese central government has been securitizing AI in order to mobilize local states, market actors, intellectuals and the general public. This security discourse is built on China's historical anxieties about technology, regime security needs and the growing tension caused by great power competition. Despite its help in convincing domestic actors, however, this securitization trend may undermine key AI objectives.

The third part of the book studies the Chinese governance approach to the use of AI. It argues that China's bold AI practices are part of its broad and incoherent adaptation strategy to governance by digital means. AI is part of a digital technology package that the Chinese authoritarian regime has actively employed not only to improve public services but also to strengthen its authoritarian governance. While China's AI progress benefits from its unique political and social environment, its ambitious AI plan contains considerable risks. China's approach is gambling on its success in (a) delivering a booming AI economy, (b) ensuring a smooth social transformation to the age of AI, and (c) proving ideological superiority of its authoritarian and communist values.

This book suggests that a more accurate understanding of AI with Chinese characteristics is essential in order to inform the debate regarding what lessons can be learnt from China's AI approach and how to respond to China's rise as the AI leader if not superpower."

Winner of the 2022 Research Publication Book Award from the Association of Chinese Professors of Social Sciences in the United States.

Based on ethnographic research with victims of intimate partner violence since 2014, this book brings to the forefront women's experiences of, negotiations about, and contestations against violence, and men's narratives about the reasons for their violence. Using an innovative methodology - online chat groups, it foregrounds the role of history, structural inequalities, and the cultural system of power hierarchy in situating and constructing intimate partner violence. Centering on men and women's narratives about violence, this book connects intimate partner violence with invisible structural violence - the historical, cultural, political, economic, and legal context that gives rise to and perpetuates violence against women. Through examining the ways in which women's lives are constrained by various forms of violence, hierarchy, and inequality, this book shows that violence against women is a structural issue that is historically produced and politically and culturally engaged.

This book addresses the increasingly important subject of ecomedia by critically examining the interconnections between environment, ecology, media forms, and popular culture in the Southeast Asian region, exploring methods such as textual analysis, thematic analysis, content analysis, participatory ethnography, auto ethnography, and semi-structured interviewing. It is divided into four sections: I. Activism, Environment, and Indigeneity; II. Political, Ecologies and Urban Spaces; III. Narratives, Discourses, and Aesthetics; and IV. Imperialism, Nationalism, and Islands, covering topics such as broadcast media (radio and TV) and the environment; green cinema and ecodocumentaries, ecodigital art, digital environmental literature. It is of great interest to researchers, students, practitioners and scholars working in the area of humanities, media, communications, cultural studies, environmental humanities, environmental studies, and sustainability.

Paul R. Bartrop examines the formation and execution of Australian government policy towards European Jews during the Holocaust period, revealing that Australia did not have an established refugee policy (as opposed to an immigration policy) until late 1938. He shows that, following the Evian Conference of July 1938, Interior Minister John McEwen pledged a new policy of accepting 15,000 refugees (not specifically Jewish), but the bureaucracy cynically sought to restrict Jewish entry despite McEwen's lofty ambitions. Moreover, the book considers the (largely negative) popular attitudes toward Jewish immigrants in Australia, looking at how these views were manifested in the press and in letters to the Department of the Interior.

The Holocaust and Australia grapples with how, when the Second World War broke out, questions of security were exploited as the means to further exclude Jewish refugees, a policy incongruous alongside government pronouncements condemning Nazi atrocities. The book also reflects on the double standard applied towards refugees who were Jewish and those who were not, as shown through the refusal of the government to accept 90% of Jewish applications before the war. During the war years this double standard continued, as Australia said it was not accepting foreign immigrants while taking in those it deemed to be acceptable for the war effort.

Incorporating the voices of the Holocaust refugees themselves and placing the country's response in the wider contexts of both national and international history in the decades that have followed, Paul R. Bartrop provides a peerless Australian perspective on one of the most catastrophic episodes in world history.

This book scrutinizes the frequently ignored agency of Global South sub-national actors in their interactions with China, using a multidisciplinary approach and eleven case studies. Contributors examine China's presence in the Global South on a country-by-country basis, analyzing how various non-state and sub-state actors are responding to the rise of China and whether they are attracted by the cooperation models that China proposes or deterred by its new assertiveness. Contributions cover diverse and heterogeneous geographies of the Global South, ranging from Papua-New Guinea to Argentina and from Madagascar to the Russian Far East. Examining such diverse cases, contributors focus on two interrelated questions: What is the actual economic, political, and social impact of China's growing presence in the Global South? And, critically, how do the citizens of the Global South understand and interpret China's rise? Taken together, the case studies develop a comprehensive picture of a complex and sometimes problematic process of China's inclusion into the economic, social, and political realities of the Global South.

This book identifies and fills the gaps in the existing literature on China's rise by offering a nuanced perspective on China's relations with the countries of the Global South that captures such variables as social context, intersubjective meanings, and identities. By focusing China's relations with the Global South, it also provides an important addition to the literature on international politics of development and China's role in the transformation of the South-South cooperation.

In this book, Barney Walsh presents an in-depth study of China's involvement in East Africa through specific focus on President Museveni of Uganda who has been uniquely influential in utilising China's presence to shape regional security dynamics in his favour. Focussing primarily on the period 2010-2015, Walsh places the spotlight on the 'Coalition of the Willing' formed between Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda, who undertook high-profile, exciting but controversial regional integration projects without Tanzania and Burundi. Key to those efforts were Chinese-funded mega-infrastructure projects, such as the Standard Gauge Railway and Uganda's oil pipeline.

Walsh's analysis of the East African Community (EAC) reveals China's role in ongoing security issues related to terrorism, resulting from the country's role in small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation and the global ivory trade. Additionally, China is heavily implicated in the region's 'oil sector', as it is a market for oil, involved in developing the sector, and a key partner in mega-infrastructure construction. Throughout this, though the EAC as an institution has been trying to stabilise regional security dynamics and strengthen its institutional role, it has been unduly influenced by the personalities and presence of key African leaders. Here, Museveni's role in such processes has been crucial, as he has made great efforts to utilise Chinese engagement in order to shape regional processes.

Zhu Qian presents a comprehensive study highlighting the key theories and practices in urban and social development processes and provides guidance on how to understand both the parallels and differences that these reveal. Utilizing a cross-sectoral and multi-scalar examination of property rights in a property-led urban environment, the book illustrates increasingly complex interactions between state and non-state actors and examines the characteristics and consequences of rural-urban land conversion. It further analyses the impacts of resettled villagers' adaptation to urban society and the role of property rights in China's recent high-profile urban-rural integrated development.

This insightful book will ensure a thorough grasp of the pertinent issues for scholars, researchers and practitioners within the fields of urban planning, human geography and land economics. It will also provide a more general systemic understanding for graduate students interested in the recent challenges and strategies in a property rights regime with strong state intervention.

What we understand by the 'Middle East' has changed over time and across space. While scholars agree that the geographical 'core' of the Middle East is the Arabian Peninsula, the boundaries are less clear. How far back in time should we go to define the Middle East? How far south and east should we move on the African continent? And how do we deal with the minority religions in the region, and those who migrate to the West?

Across this handbook's 52 chapters, the leading sociologists writing on the Middle East share their standpoint on these questions. Taking the featured scholars as constitutive of the field, the handbook reshapes studies on the region by piecing together our knowledge on the Middle East from their path-defining contributions. The volume is divided into four parts covering sociologists' perspectives on:

? Social transformations and social conflict; from Israel-Palestine and the Iranian Revolution, to the Arab Uprisings and the Syrian War
? The region's economic, religious and political activities; including the impact of the spread of Western modernity; the effects of neo-liberalism; and how Islam shapes the region's life and politics
? People's everyday practices as they have shaped our understanding of culture, consumption, gender and sexuality
? The diasporas from the Middle East in Europe and North America, which put the Middle East in dialogue with other regions of the world.

The global approach and wide-ranging topics represent how sociologists enable us to redefine the boundaries and identities of the Middle East today.

This book explores the phenomenon of total power in East Asia, with particular attention to China, Korea, and Japan. It shows how total power enables an examination of regional experience as a part of global context in order to demarcate the connections with other countries and regions that have similar political cultures, such as those in Central Asia, the Middle East, and East Africa. Moreover, it elucidates that the phenomenon of total power unpacks the interrelations not only between different countries, but also between political, economic, religious, or cultural aspects of the region as a whole, and of each country in particular. This book takes East Asia as a classic example of where total power has achieved the highest forms of development during traditional periods in the form of absolute economic dependence of society on the state, ideologically enshrined by a system of moral obligations toward supreme power that allowed for the establishment of a monopoly on forced labour, and the appropriation and distribution of social products. The author emphasizes the importance of exploring the tradition of total power with reference to the ongoing global crisis of European democracy. In doing so, the book shows that democratization has not brought qualitative changes to the political culture of East Asia. An essential interdisciplinary read for scholars studying political science, particularly East-West relations, this book situates East Asian political culture within a global context.

Addressing the intense debate in science and religion in light of evolutionary population genetics, Andrew Ter Ern Loke argues that the theory of evolution as understood by mainstream scientists is compatible with Scripture. Loke asserts that resolving this area of perceived conflict would greatly benefit both scientific and religious communities, and contribute to the spiritual quest of humankind.

Whilst affirming that the Bible should be interpreted according to proper hermeneutical principles such as considering the literary genre, literary context, meaning of words, grammatical relationship, and the background and concerns of the ancient authors, this book also assesses the scientific data according to proper mainstream scientific methodology. Having accomplished these tasks, it proposes a model which argues that all humans today have Adam as common ancestor even though this ancestor is not our sole ancestor.