Trousson, Raymond / Vercruysse, Jeroom (dir.), Dictionnaire general de Voltaire. (Champion classiques, references et dictionnaires 18) 1272 p. 2020:10 (Champion, FR) <670-9>
ISBN 978-2-38096-016-7 paper ¥7,064.- (税込) EUR 38.00

Sachse, Carola, Wissenschaft und Diplomatie: Die Max-Planck-Gesellschaft im Feld der internationalen Politik (1945-2000). (Studien zur Geschichte der Max-Planck-Gesellschaft 4) 584 S. 2022:11 (Vandenhoeck, GW) <678-722>
ISBN 978-3-525-30206-4 hard ¥18,832.- (税込) EUR 80.00 *

Wissenschaftsdiplomatie gilt neuerdings als Hoffnungstraeger in der Bewaeltigung der globalen Herausforderungen der internationalen Politik. Zugleich rueckt das Zusammenspiel von Wissenschaft und Diplomatie waehrend des Kalten Krieges in den Fokus der Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Die Max-Planck-Gesellschaft verfolgte hier eine eigene Agenda. Nach der verbrecherischen Teilhabe ihrer Vorgaengerin, der Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, an der NS-Expansions- und Vernichtungspolitik draengte es sie zwar zurueck in die internationalen Scientific Communities, aber nicht auf die internationale politische Buehne. Die Studie untersucht, wie sich die MPG im Feld der internationalen Politik positionierte, wann sie mit der Aussenpolitik der Bundesrepublik kooperierte, wann sie sich davon abgrenzte und wie sie ihre Rollen als nationaler, europaeischer und globaler wissenschaftspolitischer Akteur kombinierte.

Wolflink, Alena, Claiming Value: The Politics of Priority from Aristotle to Black Lives Matter. 200 pp. 2022:9 (Routledge, UK) <678-724>
ISBN 978-1-03-230278-2 hard ¥38,461.- (税込) GB￡ 135.00 *
ISBN 978-1-03-230277-5 paper ¥10,253.- (税込) GB￡ 35.99 *

Value is typically theorized from the frameworks of economic theory or of moral/ethical theory, but we need to instead think about value foremost as political. Alena Wolflink uncovers a tension in value discourses between material and aspirational life. As she shows, erasing this tension, as has been the historical tendency, can entrench existing configurations of power and privilege, while acknowledging the tension is a vital part of democratic practice. Using genealogical, conceptual-historical, and interpretive approaches, and drawing from such diverse sources as Aristotle, Anna Julia Cooper, Michael Warner, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Khan-Cullors, Wolflink argues that abstractions of value discourse in both economic theory and moral philosophy have been complicit in devaluing the lives of women, queer people, and people of color. Yet she further argues that value claims nonetheless hold democratic potential as a means of asserting and defining priorities that center the role of political economy in the making of political communities. With many real-world examples vividly portrayed, Claiming Value is an unusually accessible work of political theory accessible to students in courses on political theory, moral philosophy, social theory, economic theory, democracy, social inequality, and more.

Tocchini, Gerardo, Diderot, Rousseau and the Politics of the Arts in the Enlightenment. (Oxford University Studies in the Enlightenment 2023:01) 432 pp. 2023:1 (Voltaire Foundation, UK) <678-26>
ISBN 978-1-80207-061-3 paper ¥21,367.- (税込) GB￡ 75.00 *

啓蒙思想期・革命期フランスにおけるJ.ハリントンの共和国
Ducrocq, Myriam-Isabelle, La Republique de Harrington dans la France des Lumieres et de la Revolution. (Oxford University Studies in the Enlightenment 2022:12) 288 pp. 2022:12 (Voltaire Foundation, UK) <678-22>
ISBN 978-1-80207-060-6 paper ¥18,518.- (税込) GB￡ 65.00 *

Depuis l'ouvrage de John Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment. Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (1975), on connait l'importance de James Harrington dans la pensee politique anglo-americaine a la periode moderne. Parce qu'au-dela de l'acte de resistance a la tyrannie, il promeut la democratie et propose les moyens constitutionnels de mettre en oeuvre la souverainete populaire dans un pays de vaste etendue, Harrington a incarne une forme distinctive de republicanisme. En retracant l'histoire de sa reception dans la France des Lumieres, cet ouvrage a pour but de combler un hiatus entre le grand recit pocockien du republicanisme machiavelien et l'historiographie de la Revolution francaise. En cela, il s'inscrit dans le panorama brosse en 2010 par l'historienne Rachel Hammersley, et va au-dela. D'une part, il accorde a Hume, Jaucourt ou Rousseau, aux cotes de ses nombreux traducteurs et commentateurs, un role central dans l'actualisation de la pensee de Harrington. D'autre part, il montre que son heritage intellectuel fut pluriel. Celui-ci n'est en effet pas seulement l'inspirateur de dispositions constitutionnelles specifiques : a l'heure ou se developpe l'economie politique, Harrington apparait comme le penseur d'une egalite relative des fortunes, percue comme la seule base possible d'un ordre politique stable.--John Pocock's book The Machiavellian Moment. Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (1975) has shown the importance of James Harrington in Anglo-American modern political thought. Beyond the act of resistance to tyranny, he vindicates democracy and provides the constitutional means for implementing popular sovereignty in a vast country. In doing so, Harrington has incarnated a distinctive form of republicanism.By reconstructing the history of his reception in eighteenth century France, this book aims to bridge the gap between the great Pocockian narrative of Machiavellian republicanism and the historiography of the French Revolution. It is set against the panorama offered by Rachel Hammersley in 2010 and aims to go further. On the one hand, it shows how central Hume, Jaucourt or Rousseau have been in reviving Harrington's thought, along with his numerous translators and commentators. On the other hand, it shows that his intellectual legacy was diverse. He did not only stand as the inspirer of specific constitutional measures: as political economy developed, Harrington also appeared as the theoretician of a relative equality of wealth among the people, perceived by many as the true basis of a stable political order.