政治学 — 全 下位分類

A bold argument that tackles current trends, such as rising nationalism, arguing that they strengthen rather than undermine transatlantic ties. Is the West finished as a political idea? In recent years, observers have begun pointing to signs that this transatlantic community is eroding. When the European Union expanded, the classic European nation state was in decline. Now, nationalism is on the rise. Furthermore, nations within the EU are less willing to cooperate with the US on policies that require sacrifice and risks, such as using military force alongside the US. Today, following the twin shocks of Brexit and Trump's election, the concept of a unified Western transatlantic community seems to be a relic. But, in Pax Transatlantica, the international historian Jussi Hanhimaeki explains why the West is far from over. Hanhimaeki argues that-despite Trump's inflammatory, dismissive rhetoric-NATO continues to provide robust security for its member states. NATO has survived by expanding its remit and scope, and it is viewed favorably by member states overall. Moreover, the transatlantic relationship boasts the richest and most closely connected transcontinental economy in the world. Despite the potential fallout from current trade wars-especially between the US and China-and the rise of economic nationalism, the West still benefits from significant transatlantic trade and massive investment flows. Lastly, Hanhimaeki traces the parallel evolution of domestic politics on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing on the rise of populism. He contends that populism is not causing a rift between the US and Europe. Rather, the spread of populism evinces that their politics are in fact closely integrated. Shifts and even crises abound in the history of the transatlantic relationship. Still, the West endures. Conflicts, rather than undermining the relationship, illustrate its resilience. Hanhimaeki shows that the transatlantic relationship is playing out this cycle today. Not only will the "Pax Transatlantica" continue to exist, Hanhimaeki concludes, it is likely to thrive in the future.

The Law of War and Peace offers a cutting-edge analysis of the relationship between law, armed conflict, gender and peace. This book, which is the first of two volumes, focuses on the interplay between international law and gendered experiences of armed conflict. It provides an in-depth analysis of the key debates on collective security, unilateral force, the laws governing conflict, terrorism and international criminal law. While much of the current scholarship has centered on the UN Security Council's Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security, this two-volume work seeks to move understandings beyond the framework established by WPS. It does this through providing a critical and intersectional approach to gender and conflict which is mindful of transnational feminist and queer perspectives.

A portrait of the effectiveness of moderation in US foreign policy, as illustrated by three of America's most consequential and widely-admired postwar presidents: Dwight Eisenhower, George H.W. Bush, and Barack Obama. When thinking about Americas role in the world, Dwight Eisenhower, George H. W. Bush, and Barack Obama may not seem to have a lot in common. But they do. While divided by background, generation, and political party, they exemplify a distinct and underappreciated tradition of American leadership: The Middle Way. As the scholar and former senior foreign policy official Derek Chollet shows in this deeply researched book, these three presidents took a centrist - and effective - approach to foreign policy. With so many challenges facing the United States, Chollet makes the case for why the nation must reclaim this brand of leadership, learn from it, and champion it. This timely book blends history, politics and biography to reveal how these presidents viewed the world and approached the task of leadership. By providing behind-the-scenes accounts and incisive analysis of the foreign policies of Ike, Bush 41, and Obama, The Middle Way offers a fresh way of thinking about American power. It shows how these three leaders defined a foreign policy archetype too often obscured by partisan blinders and historical amnesia. With vivid story-telling and astute insights, Chollet makes a compelling argument for how we should remember the past, think about the present, and approach the policy challenges of tomorrow. Eisenhower, Bush, and Obama demonstrated how the United States can exercise prudent and powerful authority in the world, and they stand as exemplars of decency, humility, optimism, confidence, and pragmatism. Together, they set the bar for the kind of global leadership needed today - and The Middle Way reminds both Americans and the world that this proud legacy not only persists, but is needed more than ever.

Adopting a political constitutionalist view of the British constitution, this book critically explores the history of legal and political thought on parliamentary sovereignty in the UK. It argues that EU membership strongly unsettled the historical precedents underpinning UK parliamentary sovereignty. Successive governments adopted practices which, although preserving fundamental legal rules, were at odds with past precedents. The author uses three key EU case studies ? the financial transactions tax, freedom of movement of persons, and the working time directive ? to illustrate that since 1973 the UK incorporated EU institutions which unsettled those precedents. The book further shows that the parliament’s place since the referendum on Brexit in June 2016 and the scrutinising of the terms of the withdrawal agreement constitute an enhanced, new constitutional resettlement, and a realignment of parliament with the historical precedent of consent and its sovereignty.

The New Labour government first elected in 1997 had a defining influence on the development of the modern UK constitution. This book combines legal and political perspectives to provide a unique assessment of the way in which this major programme of constitutional reform has changed the nature of the UK constitution. The chapters, written by leading experts in UK public law and politics, analyse the impact and legacy of the New Labour reform programme some 20 years on from the 1997 general election, and reveal the ways in which the UK constitution is now, to a significant extent, the 'New Labour constitution'. The book takes a broad approach to exploring the legacy of the New Labour years for the UK constitution. The contributors evaluate a range of specific substantive reforms (including on human rights, devolution, freedom of information, and the judicial system), changes to the process and method of constitutional reform under New Labour, the impact on key institutions (such as the judiciary and Parliament), and a number of wider constitutional themes (including national security, administrative justice, and the relationship between the Labour Party and constitutionalism). The book also reflects on the future challenges for the constitution constructed by New Labour, and the prospects for further constitutional reform. In bringing together this range of perspectives to reflect on the implications of the New Labour era of reform, this book offers a critical examination of a foundational period in the development of the contemporary UK constitution.

In the decades that followed, American leaders put that claim to the test. They embraced globalisation as a putative source of unprecedented wealth, embarked on wide-ranging military campaigns to export American values, and redefined the very meaning of freedom. Meanwhile, they placed all their bets on the White House fulfilling the promise of their Cold War triumph: unequaled prosperity, lasting peace, and absolute freedom. In The Age of Illusions, bestselling author Andrew Bacevich takes us from that moment of seemingly ultimate victory to the age of Trump, recounting an epic tale of folly and delusion. Writing with his usual eloquence and vast knowledge, he explains how within a quarter of a century the United States ended up with gaping inequality, permanent war, moral confusion, and an increasingly angry and alienated population, as well as, of course, the strangest president in American history.