アジア・中東・アフリカ・ラテンアメリカ・オセアニア — 全 下位分類

Increasing inequalities, political movements and violent extremism across the world cause social and political instability in which education is enormously implicated. Placed firmly in this wider global context, this volume explores interactions between education and armed conflict during the 'People's War' (1996 - 2006) in Nepal.

Building upon theoretical concepts that deal with multifarious links between education and conflict, Tejendra Pherali provides a critical analysis of the contentious role of education in the emergence of conflict, as well as the effects of violence on education. Pherali engages with sociological and political theories to analyse the emergence and expansion of armed rebellion and discuss implications for peacebuilding and social transformation. He argues that education in Nepal played a complicit role in the conflict, primarily benefitting the traditionally privileged social groups in the society and hence, perpetuating the existing structural inequalities, which were the major causes of the rebellion. Schools, trapped in the middle of the conflict between the Maoists and the security forces, became a significant political space that facilitated critical education, providing intellectual strength to the violent rebellion. Exploring education after the conflict, the author argues that the reconstruction should adopt a 'conflict-sensitive' approach to deal with issues concerning educational inequity, social exclusion, and political hegemony of the privileged social groups. The volume provides invaluable insights into post-conflict opportunities and challenges for educational reforms that align with inclusive democracy, social justice and equitable development.

What is the relationship between leadership and peace? What kind of leadership styles, processes and strategies are required to gain a deeper understanding of local context while at the same time maintaining the trust and cooperation of host authorities and other stakeholders on the ground? As concerns mount about the continued relevance and efficiency of UN peace operations, Youssef Mahmoud - who led several challenging peace missions in Africa - draws on many years of experience to offer insights into how political leadership might be exercised to help restore and nurture peace.

Mahmoud makes the case for a paradigm shift in the type of leadership required to bring about strong, global diplomacy for peace. Making extensive use of the authors' unique personal experiences in Burundi, Central African Republic and Chad, the book offers an unparalleled insight into the leadership challenges of complex and often seemingly intractable conflict situations.

This book engages with the concept, true value, and function of democracy in South Asia against the background of real social conditions for the promotion of peaceful development in the region.

In the book, the issue of peaceful social development is defined as the conditions under which the maintenance of social order and social development is achieved - not by violent compulsion but through the negotiation of intentions or interests among members of society. The book assesses the issue of peaceful social development and demonstrates that the maintenance of such conditions for long periods is a necessary requirement for the political, economic, and cultural development of a society and state. Chapters argue that, through the post-colonial historical trajectory of South Asia, it has become commonly understood that democracy is the better, if not the best, political system and value for that purpose. Additionally, the book claims that, while democratization and the deepening of democracy have been broadly discussed in the region, the peace that democracy is supposed to promote has been in serious danger, especially in the 21st century.

A timely survey and re-evaluation of democracy and peaceful development in South Asia, this book will be of interest to academics in the field of South Asian Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies and Asian Politics and Security.

This report examines Russia's military and diplomatic campaign in Syria, the largest and most significant Russian out-of-area operation since the end of the Cold War. Russia's experience in Syria will shape its military thinking, influence promotion and personnel decisions, impact research and development for its arms industry, and expand its influence in the Middle East and beyond for the foreseeable future. Yet despite the importance of Russia's involvement in Syria-especially as the United States competes with countries such as Russia and China-there has been little systematic analysis of Russia's campaign in Syria. This research aims to help fill the gap and provides some new analysis and data. It conducts a broad assessment of the Russian campaign-including political objectives, diplomatic initiatives, and civilian targeting-which places the military campaign in a wider context. In addition, it compiles a data set of Russia's civilian targeting and analyzes satellite imagery of Russian activity.

Overall, this report concludes that Russia was relatively successful in achieving its main near-term political and military objectives in Syria, including preventing the collapse of the Assad regime (an important regional partner) and thwarting a possible U.S. attempt to overthrow Assad. Still, Russia used a systematic punishment campaign that involved attacks against civilian and humanitarian infrastructure in an attempt to deny resources-including food, fuel, and medical aid-to the opposition while simultaneously eroding the will of civilians to support opposition groups.

Historians of late premodern Korea have tended to regard it as a hermit kingdom, isolated from its neighbours and the wider world. In fact, as Ro argues in this book, Korean intellectuals were heavily influenced by both Chinese Neo-Confucianism and the European Enlightenment in the late 18th and 19th centuries.

In the late Choson period the regime felt threatened by the new, more empirical, approaches to knowledge emerging from both the East and the West. For this reason many Korean intellectuals felt it necessary to work in the shadows and formed secret societies for the study of nature. Because of the secrecy of these societies, much of their work has remained unknown even in Korea until recent years. Ho looks at the work of these intellectuals and analyses the impact their thinking and experimentation had on knowledge production in Korea.

A fascinating insight into the largely overlooked story of how globalization affected intellectual life in Korea before the 20th century. This book will be of great interest to students and researchers of Korean history and of Asian intellectual history more broadly.

With recent changes in social and political landscapes around the world the focus of preventive counter-terrorism has shifted in many places from government to civil society.

The contributors analyze the different approaches of Civil Society Organizations in preventing and countering violent extremism in various countries in South and Southeast Asia. The cases examined include, Malaysia, Indonesia, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. The key emphasis is on understanding the context within which each example was initiated, and the factors that determined their relative success or failure. The evidence from these cases suggests that much can be achieved through empowering communities to engage in aiding both the indoctrinated and those who pose the greatest risk of radicalization.

A valuable contribution to the literature on preventing and countering violent extremism.

This book discusses the systematic expansion of the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) across the continent of Africa.

This book posits that AFRICOM expansion in Africa is part of a broader system of accumulation based on a government-business-media (GBM) complex. Applying the concept at both structural and descriptive levels, the GBM complex is a function of the synergy between the state's quest for power, businesses' need for expansion, and the informational and hegemonic functions of media actors. The United States' GBM complex in Africa is supported-and in some locations spearheaded-by its military, with dispossessing effects on local actors. Drawing from African case studies, analytical accounts and empirical case studies, this book explores AFRICOM's role within this broader strategy. The volume maps both the methods and the scope of this expansion, as well as local resistance to this process, and comprises perspectives from the five regions of Africa, key sub-regional organizations and voices from Africa's regional hegemons.

This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, strategic studies, African politics and International Relations.

This book identifies the most important sources of intra-state conflict in the individual countries of the Horn of Africa. It explores how serious the threats are to the security of the states and their people; the region; and it identifies the appropriate conflict resolution approach.

Hirbe indicates that the political marginalization and discrimination by the dominant ethnic group in power against the members of disadvantaged ethnic groups is the most important source of intra-state conflict. His findings demonstrate that the authoritarian states in the Horn of African countries are the major source of threats to individual security. Moreover, the security of the states in the region are closely interlinked; their national securities cannot be considered apart from one another.

The book notes that the realist-militaristic, zero-sum game conflict resolution approach dominates the behavior of most parties involved in intra-state conflict in the Horn of Africa. However, different conflict resolution approaches could be effective and appropriate to resolve the intra-state conflict in each individual country: the traditional bottom-up approach in Somalia, Power Sharing through the Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia, and Encouraging Good Governance in Eritrea and Djibouti.

This book investigates the relationship between international security governance, democratic civil-military relations and the relevance of strategy, as well as of absolute and relative gains, in norms formation in hybrid orders.

Highlighting caveats of the legacy of Huntington's paradigm of military professionalism, the book applies a robust methodology and data collected in four sample regions in Pakistan. It gauges the effects of international and local actors' support in the Security Sector Reform domain and examines instances of civil-military interactions and military transition. The book also analyses determinants and strategies that can influence them to demonstrate the impact of global governance in norms diffusion, as well as of absolute and relative utility gains and incentives in normative change. The author generates a new theory pertaining to international organisations and actors as determinants of transformation processes and consequently sheds new light on the issue of global security governance, especially its impact on civil-military relations and democratisation in hybrid orders.

The book will be of interest to scholars and practitioners in the field of global governance, civil-military relations, grand strategy and foreign policy as well as Asian politics, South Asian studies, peace, security and strategic studies, International Relations and political science in more general.

This book examines the decisions by Tony Blair and John Howard to take their nations into the 2003 Iraq War, and the questions these decisions raise about democratic governance. It also explores the significance of the US alliance in UK and Australian decision-making, and the process for taking a nation to war. Relying on primary government documents and interviews, and bringing together various strands of literature that have so far been discussed in isolation (including historical accounts, party politics, prime ministerial leadership and intelligence studies), the authors provide a comprehensive and original view on the various post-war inquiries conducted in the UK, Australia.

'Bridging European and gender studies, this volume deserves a great welcome to the literature. It not only offers a feminist reading of Europeanisation in general, but also discusses the process of Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation of Turkey with regard to changes in gender policy. The book demonstrates that the EU is the leading body to advocate gender equality, and also proves that it is a firm gender actor compared to other international organisations. However, as the volume also shows, the EU is not yet a normative gender actor due to the absence of a feminist rationale in promoting gender equality abroad. The contributions offer significant insights into EU-Turkey relations from a gender studies perspective.'

Ayhan Kaya, Professor of Politics and Jean Monnet Chair for European Politics of Interculturalism, Istanbul Bilgi University, Turkey

'Su?leymanoglu-Ku?ru?m and Cin have curated a timely volume that applies a feminist lens to the well-known Europeanisation framework. Using the case of Turkey, the book extends the focus of European studies scholarship that analyses the adaptation of non-member states to EU policies and practices to setting a new feminist agenda in the adaptation to the EU. Beyond the new insights offered on the Turkish case study, the volume provides a powerful critique, and highlights the limits of the EU's reach outside of its current border.'

Toni Haastrup, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, University of Stirling, UK

'This pioneering volume, which extends feminist perspectives to the study of EU toward candidate countries, is a must-read for scholars of EU integration and gender studies.'

Bahar Rumelili, Professor and Jean Monnet Chair at the Department of International Relations, Koc University, Turkey

This book revealingly traces the ways in which third-party perceptions of an international actor affect its agency in global affairs by using the example of the European Union's engagement in Southeast Asian non-traditional security.

Utilizing an innovative analytical framework emphasising the intersubjective nature of international actorness, it provides novel insights into cooperation between the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The book covers fields such as counter-terrorism, disaster management, or maritime security affairs and emphasises the role that ASEAN's perceptions of the EU play in them. Based on rich empirical data gained from multiple interviews in Europe and Southeast Asia, the author uncovers the missing link between external perceptions of the EU and their impact on joint EU-ASEAN endeavours in non-traditional security fields. The book concludes by making some concrete recommendations to policy-makers engaged in EU external relations and reminds us that 'the other' and its domestic context might be even more important in thinking about international affairs than acknowledged thus far.

This book is of key interest to scholars, practitioners and students of EU foreign policy, EU-ASEAN affairs, EU-Asia relations, and more broadly of EU studies, International Relations, regionalism and interregionalism as well as security studies.

This handbook provides a comprehensive overview of the changing dynamics in the relationship between the African continent and the EU, provided by leading experts in the field.

Structured into five parts, the handbook provides an incisive look at the past, present and potential futures of EU-Africa relations. The cutting-edge chapters cover themes like multilateralism, development assistance, institutions, gender equality and science and technology, among others. Thoroughly researched, this book provides original reflections from a diversity of conceptual and theoretical perspectives, from experts in Africa, Europe and beyond. The handbook thus offers rich and comprehensive analyses of contemporary global politics as manifested in Africa and Europe.

The Routledge Handbook of EU-Africa Relations will be an essential reference for scholars, students, researchers, policy makers and practitioners interested and working in a range of fields within the (sub)disciplines of African and EU studies, European politics and international studies.

The Routledge Handbook of EU-Africa Relations is part of the mini-series Europe in the World Handbooks examining EU-regional relations and established by Professor Wei Shen.

This book provides an original examination of current European Union (EU)-Republic of Korea (ROK) security relations.

It brings together analysis and original material on relations in the fields of Nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, Cybersecurity and data-protection, Space policy and technology, and Preventive diplomacy and crisis management. These represent areas of particular interest to examine the extent to which the EU and ROK are able to successfully or otherwise cooperate. Relations between the EU and the ROK have been growing in quantity and quality over recent years. Alongside the economic dimension, the political and security elements of the relationship have shown promise for further collaboration between the two sides, not least within the context of North Korea's nuclear threat and East Asia's wider evolving security environment. All contributors are leading experts in their respective fields and each chapter is co-authored by a European and Korean expert for a balanced assessment.

The volume will be essential reading for students, scholars and policy-makers interested in EU-Korea relations, EU foreign policy and security, Area studies, and, more broadly to EU politics studies, security studies, and international relations.

This book presents a radical rethinking of Border Studies. Framing the discipline beyond conventional topics of spatiality and territoriality, it presents a distinctly South Asian perspective - a post-colonial and post-partition region where most borders were drawn with political motives, ignoring the socio-cultural realities of the region and economic necessities of the people.

The authors argue that while securing borders is an essential function of the state, in this interconnected world, crossing borders and border cooperation is also necessary. The book examines contemporaneous and topical themes like disputes of identity and nationhood, the impact of social media on Border Studies, trans-border cooperation, water-sharing between countries, and resolution of border problems in the age of liberalisation and globalisation. It also suggests ways of enhancing cross-border economic cooperation and connectivity, and reviews security issues from a new perspective.

Well supplemented with case studies, the book will serve as an indispensable text for scholars and researchers of Border Studies, military and strategic studies, international relations, geopolitics, and South Asian studies. It will also be of great interest to think tanks and government agencies, especially those dealing with foreign relations.

This book evaluates UN performance in ensuring good governance in Cambodia and Timor-Leste from a human-centred standpoint. East Asian perspectives are juxtaposed with universal aspirations, and the legality, legitimacy, and effectiveness of UN operations in the two countries are considered. Each of the case-studies assesses the justifiability of intervening and of actions and policies implemented during the intervention, as well as considers the justifiability of the conditions left after UN withdrawal, while also including specific policy recommendations.

How can democratization move forward in an era of populist-nationalist backlash? Many countries in Asia, and elsewhere, face the challenge of navigating between China and the United States in a period of intensifying polarization in their policies tied to democracy. East Asia has shown the way to democratization in Asia-with Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan linking national identity to democratization. In other parts of Asia, especially Southeast Asia, nationalist governments have tended to move away from democratization, as happened in Hong Kong at China's insistence. This book investigates how national identity can both help and hinder democratization, illustrated by a series of examples from across Asia. A valuable guide for students and scholars both of democratization and of Asian politics.

As India rises to great power status in the emerging multipolar world order, what influence will its rich and ancient culture have on the country's foreign policy? This book reveals that cultural values have greater explanatory power than previously thought and describes the nature of their influence. Excavating thousands of years of history, the monograph identifies enduring values that are relevant to contemporary foreign policy. It examines three critical areas of Indian foreign policy - nuclear policy, humanitarian intervention and relations with the Middle East.

Major decisions were shaped by cultural values - sometimes at the expense of strategic interests. India's choice to test nuclear weapons was not purely because of China or Pakistan: hierarchy also played a role. From a hierarchical worldview shaping Delhi's approach to international law on arms control to pluralism facilitating simultaneous friendships with America and Iran, values thread their way throughout India's foreign relations. Non-violence underpins Delhi's soft power in both the West and the Middle East, while having spurred India's opposition to Western intervention in Iraq. Analyzing state behavior and interviewing diplomats, the book charts culture's evolving influence from Rajiv Gandhi to Narendra Modi.