政治学 — 全 下位分類

Contemporary developments and transformations in public action-marked by a proliferation of actors, increasing interdependence between sectors, and growing demands for transparency, sustainability, and accountability-require renewed analytical frameworks to understand public management. Traditional models based on rigid bureaucratic structures or efficiency-driven managerial approaches, including many interpretations of New Public Management, appear insufficient to address the complexity of contemporary governance contexts.

Responsible and integrated management, the operationalizable theoretical foundation of this collective work, emphasizes the link between accountability and organizational integration. Accountability is seen as the capacity of public organizations and managers to justify their decisions, anticipate consequences, and respond to multiple stakeholders. Integration refers to the ability to coordinate heterogeneous actors, policies, and temporalities without reducing diversity or imposing excessive centralization.

The book positions this framework between tradition and innovation, emphasizing that the renewal of public management does not require abandoning institutional and professional legacies, but rather reinterpreting them in light of technological, social, and organizational transformations. Through conceptual analyses, empirical studies, and sectoral cases, the book explores how responsible and integrated management can provide both a practical and analytical framework for governing the complexity of contemporary public action.

Explores how Japan navigated its alliance with the United States in the aftermath of 9/11, balancing its pacifist constitution with evolving global security demands through newly revealed diplomatic documents and high-level policy analysis.

After Terrorism offers a groundbreaking analysis of how Japan navigated its alliance with the United States in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and North Korea's nuclear ambitions. Drawing from newly declassified diplomatic documents, Ryuji Hattori challenges conventional narratives and introduces the concept of the global alliance security dilemma, illustrating how Japan struggled to balance its pacifist constitution with growing international security demands. Providing a rare, document-based perspective on the Bush-Koizumi era, Hattori offers insights into high-level negotiations, security policymaking, and the shifting geopolitical landscape of East Asia. Through a meticulous analysis of primary sources and interviews with key policymakers, he reveals how Japan's foreign policy was shaped by both alliance asymmetries and domestic constraints. Ideal for scholars of international relations, security studies, and Asian diplomacy, After Terrorism is an essential resource for understanding the long-term impact of post-9/11 security decisions on US-Japan relations and the broader Indo-Pacific order.

The open access version of this book has been made available thanks to the generosity of Ryuji Hattori.

U.S. political history is often told through certain perspectives. Whether that is of certain personalities, presidential elections, or political crises, the history of American politics around administrations, ideological conflicts, and pivotal moments, treating each era as distinct. But often these histories fail to compare causes and consequences across time, confusing correlation with causation, mistaking anecdotes for drivers.

This book provides an analytic history of American politics from 1763 to 2024. Focused on conscious efforts to shape public policy, Byron Shafer and Regina Wagner guide their readers through 260 years by relying on four analytical categories that span across the timeline of this narrative. Leveraging analyses of social cleavages, intermediary organizations, governmental institutions, and the policymaking process, the authors are thus able to compare and contrast the efforts to effect policy in different eras and within different contexts. With this new perspecting on American politics, Shafer and Wagner help us better understand our past and contextualize our present.

This edited volume examines the presidency of Joe Biden, exploring the profound gap between significant policy achievement and public recognition in modern American politics. It asks a pressing question: how can a president pass landmark legislation and still lose the battle for his own legacy? Opening with the political fallout from the 2024 election, the book traces Biden's major legislative wins - including the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the Inflation Reduction Act, the CHIPS and Science Act, and student loan relief - before turning to why these achievements failed to resonate with voters. Contributors from across political and academic backgrounds then analyze how Donald Trump's administration moved to dismantle and reframe Biden's record. The volume ultimately confronts a defining challenge of democratic governance: when transformative policies deliver benefits over decades, but political narratives are shaped in moments, how do voters, and history, assign credit?

This book examines the effects of different legal and political administrative systems and models on public governance in terms of organizational frameworks, operational activities and the manifestation of the rule of law. It also analyses instrumental and normative constitutional legal perspectives on government and bureaucracy as it pertains to law as an instrumental tool for government, public administration and bureaucracy. The book adopts a comparative approach, discussing Western traditions and their influence in the world, as well as systems in Africa, Asia and Latin America. In bridging the gap between law and public administration, the book provides an important interdisciplinary and comparative perspective to help understand this complex relationship. It is essential reading for scholars and students of public administration, governance and law, as well as practitioners.

Beyond Ballot Boxes explores how social media has transformed electoral politics by influencing voter behavior, political communication, and democratic integrity. The book introduces Digital Democracy Disruption (D (3)) Theory to analyze how misinformation, algorithmic bias, and computational propaganda shape elections worldwide. By comparing case studies from the United States, Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan, the authors examine the impact of digital media in both developed and emerging democracies. The book also discusses regulatory challenges, misinformation countermeasures, and policy recommendations for preserving democratic resilience in the digital era. Tracing the historical evolution of media from print to digital platforms, the book highlights the role of traditional media in shaping public opinion before examining how social media has democratized access to information while simultaneously fostering misinformation and ideological divides. It explores the mechanisms of digital propaganda, distinguishing between misinformation (false but unintentional content) and disinformation (deliberate manipulation). The authors discuss the rise of deepfakes, troll farms, and bot-driven campaigns, with case studies including the Cambridge Analytica scandal and the spread of WhatsApp-driven misinformation in South Asia.

Britain's economic stagnation is often blamed for a widespread sense of national crisis. But might the dysfunction of modern British society have a deeper cause?

James Vitali argues that our economic woes are merely symptoms of an underlying ethical disorder. Our shared prosperity rests upon a common set of moral values: responsibility, duty and stewardship. Yet these values have been fatally undermined by both left and right. Their loss amounts to the destruction of Britain's culture of ownership, a malaise which lies behind so many of Britain's biggest challenges, from our crisis in national self-confidence to the overburdened British state. Only by restoring Britain's ethical bedrock - and building the property-owning democracy it requires - can we prosper again.

The Ownership Society articulates a new conservatism that offers Britons an opportunity to take responsibility for themselves, for their communities, and for their loved ones. No one who cares about the future of Britain should miss it.

This book deconstructs a century of often biased interpretations of the Russian Revolution in France. The French mainstream media routinely met the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution with statements about a totalitarian nightmare, as dangerous as Nazism albeit more lengthy and murderous. Far from this negative bias, the first historians of the Bolshevik Revolution in France, as Victor Serge and Boris Souvarine, were close but unapologetic witnesses of the young Soviet regime. Moreover, the French Communist Party, whose primary goal was to follow the steps of the Bolsheviks, celebrated the "Great Socialist October Revolution" every year and enjoyed the attachment of millions of supporters for decades. As far as 1968, the Sorbonne was adorned with portraits of Lenin and young rebels would discuss Makhno's merits. In order to understand such a dramatic reversal from enthusiasm and public concern to disparagement and obliteration, one has to study how the Russian Revolution had been analysed in the media, discussed in politics, understood and told by the academia and represented in popular culture all through a century in France.

This authored volume rethinks how injustice is understood in political theory. Rather than seeing it as a departure from justice, the book argues that injustice is structural, constitutive, and foundational to modern liberal orders. Drawing on liberal political thought, anti-caste critique, Black radical traditions, feminist philosophy, and decolonial perspectives, it examines key liberal assumptions of neutrality, consensus, abstraction, and institutional design.

Each chapter treats epistemic, historical, affective, and material silences as central to political analysis. Instead of repairing liberalism, the book seeks to unlearn its closures and open space for grounded and plural ways of imagining politics. It treats listening, refusal, testimony, memory, and affect as theoretical contributions in their own right.

It brings together critical genealogy, affect theory, subaltern studies, and epistemic refusal. It engages with thinkers such as B. R. Ambedkar, Audre Lorde, Iris Marion Young, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, and Leanne Simpson, and places Global South thought in conversation with Western traditions while maintaining difference. Across eight chapters, the book develops a political theory attentive to history, structural harm, and lived experience.

It provides a critique of liberalism's conceptual limits and offers an alternative approach that emphasizes listening, witnessing, and world-making. It will be of interest to scholars and students in political theory, postcolonial studies, gender studies, and social justice.

Elucidates the shared insight into the critique of tyrannical rule among Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle.

Universal Tyranny offers the first comprehensive interpretation of the critique of tyranny in the thought of Socrates's greatest students: Plato, Aristotle, and Xenophon. The Socratics are the only thinkers to confront the problem of tyranny on its own terms, as a permanent and plausibly attractive option in politics. They explore what people find attractive in tyrannical power and elucidate the core psychological features of tyrannical ambition: pleasure in violence toward enemies, hostility to the rule of law, a desire for love and admiration, and a rejection of any limit to the fulfillment of one's desires. In their view, these characteristics are not the result of anomalous sadism but of misguided and unhealthy versions of attributes that otherwise play an important role in human flourishing. Through a synthetic study of the early Socratic school, author Avery Williams argues that tyrannical rule debases not only the tyrant's subject but the tyrant himself, making true human excellence impossible. Tyranny thus fails at the fundamental aim of politics: It makes neither ruler nor ruled happy.

Economic competition between the United States and China has been a defining issue of the twenty-first century. But after years of rapid growth, China's economy has faltered. How did its long-term economic outlook change so quickly? And can Beijing change course and preserve China's political ambition for global economic primacy?

In Broken China, Logan Wright offers an unflinching account of how China's economy hit the wall. Drawing on extensive experience analyzing the Chinese financial sector on the ground, he argues that China's economic slowdown is rooted in its financial system, and an unprecedented credit expansion finally coming to an end. Opposing the prevailing myth that its leaders think and plan many years ahead, this book posits that there was no long-term plan that included the credit boom and bust that now constrains Beijing's options. Rather than crisis or collapse, Wright argues, China is suffering from a decay of its economic policy tools. As its domestic and foreign sectors face increasing pressure, the last thing Beijing needs is global pushback against Chinese exports. With no clear path to recovery, China's economy is broken, the consequences of which will reverberate around the world.

A comprehensive exploration of how labor unions, broadly conceived, shape party loyalties in the American mass public.

How and why do labor unions matter for American mass party loyalties, specifically party identification and vote choice? Labor Unions and American Mass Politics marshals a wide range of survey data to test two different ways through which labor unions can shape mass party loyalties. The first is via people's personal affiliation with organized labor, such as a current/former member or household resident, while the second is via people's attitudes toward organized labor, such as whether they favor vs. disfavor unions in general. Overall, author David Macdonald shows that both are capable of shaping mass support for the Democratic Party and its various political candidates and that such relationships are also conditioned by whether people perceive labor unions and Democrats to be political allies, a connection that is lacking among a sizeable minority of Americans. Overall, Macdonald provides not only a timely analysis of mass labor politics in the early twenty-first-century United States but also shows that labor unions are politically consequential, even after decades of decline.

This book offers a historically grounded and theoretically ambitious interpretation of Italy's long-term economic, social and political decline within the framework of European integration. Combining political economy, the history of economic thought, and political and philosophical theory, the book argues that the euro and the institutional architecture of the EU have acted as structural constraints on Italy's development, eroding its productive base, limiting democratic sovereignty, and amplifying inequality. Amidst the current economic and geopolitical crisis facing the Continent, moreover, this book argues that the roots of today's European crisis lie in the very process of integration launched with the Maastricht Treaty. While it initially harmed certain countries-those on the periphery relative to the core-it is now extending its effects to other nations as well, making a rethinking of the approach to common policies increasingly necessary. Thus, the book challenges the mainstream narrative that attributes Italy's stagnation to national mismanagement and instead situates the country's trajectory within broader contradictions of the EU's economic governance. Drawing on both heterodox and institutionalist literatures -as well as on extensive descriptive data- the analysis engages critically with the Maastricht Treaty, the "external constraint" strategy, the technocratic role of the European Central Bank, and the political theology underpinning the euro as a secular promise of salvation. By reconstructing key turning points-from the 1992 crisis to the sovereign debt turmoil, and from constitutional reforms to ideological transformations-the book shows how European monetary integration has redefined Italian statehood and weakened the post-war democratic and social contract. The final chapter explores alternative scenarios and argues for a broader cultural and political reorientation capable of reimagining Europe beyond its current institutional form. Targeted at scholars in European studies, political economy, economic history and political theory, the book offers a bold and timely contribution to core debates on the EU, sovereignty, and the crisis of European capitalism.

In recent years numerous authors have claimed that underneath everything political there lies something religious - an underground religious substance, as it were. These religious elements, it is said, are the essence of political phenomena and the driving force of their history. Even in our modern 'secularized' politics, the heart of the matter, it is alleged, is religious, just as it was in the past. This fashion for the theological-political can be observed in the most varied trends in contemporary philosophy, from the work of Giorgio Agamben and Charles Taylor to that of Richard Rorty and Juergen Habermas.

In Geraldine Muhlmann's view, this 'theological-political' idea is a sham. It sheds no light on the factors that underlie key political developments, such as the crisis of liberal democracies and the rise of authoritarianism. It has nothing to say about the concrete ways in which religious points of reference, when they do exist, are used to wage war or to make politics. It contributes nothing to reflection on political matters and it leads us astray by failing to attend to their specific, complex and intertwined logics.

So what accounts for the rise of theological-political thought? Muhlmann argues that its popularity has less to do with a genuine attempt to understand politics and more to do with a desire by philosophers to demonstrate their ability to grasp the substantial basis of politics and the true direction of political history. In other words, the triumph of the theological-political is a philosophical hubris - and a dangerous one at that.

This ambitious inquiry into the rise of a troubling philosophical zeitgeist will be of great interest to students and scholars in philosophy, political theory and religious studies and to anyone interested in the ideas that are shaping our world today.