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Through a constructivist approach, this book views the era of the American Civil War as a transnational phenomenon, emphasizing its role in shaping national identities and historical memory worldwide.
Extending identity narratives across time, contributors from Brazil, Canada, France, Mexico, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States analyze a wide range of primary sources, including diplomatic correspondence, periodicals, memoirs, intellectual writings, fiction, political cartoons, and murals in order to untangle the international impact of the U.S. Civil War. The countries selected for analysis vary typologically, yet each provides particularly rich material for reconstructing national identity discourses-within a transatlantic framework, as explored in the first two parts of the volume, and within the broader context of the American continents, as addressed in the third part. Russia is treated in a separate section as a distinctive case-at once European, "the Other Europe," and non-European-not only due to the parallels in the domestic and international developments of the Russian Empire and the United States, but also because of the enduring impact of the American Civil War on bilateral relations and mutual perceptions. Taken together, the volume's three sections intersect and reinforce one another, demonstrating how both the Union and the Confederacy were invoked as symbolic Others to shape national self-understandings, grounded in evolving configurations of interests, ideologies, and values.

Charts the founding of the American Empire.

The Fourth Kingdom is the second volume in a series of books, The Personality of American Power, tracing the distinctive continuities in the American way of war and strategy-making. A handful of themes emerge: securing the continuity and legitimacy of the Anglo-American regime; grounding the use of state power in political principles and ideology; calculating security interests in a fully global geopolitical context; seeing the path to great-power status as leading to westward, transatlantic expansion; differing strategic views between the imperial frontier and the metropolis; and an ongoing contest between advocates of a "blue-water," maritime, "off-shore balancing" approach to both colonial and continental affairs and promoters of direct engagement to achieve a favorable great-power balance. Seeing the North American colonies as a developing "Fourth Kingdom" adds a new dimension to the dominant "three-kingdoms" historiography of the tumultuous Stuart and Cromwellian years. Between the founding of the Jamestown colony and the carving-out of "Penn's Woods" seven decades later, English settlers came to control the critical seaports of North America, all but excluding other European powers.

James O. Heath's Deep South Democrats is the story of three men who redefined the southern political landscape through unique voting records in health, housing, labor, and education. Olin Johnston of South Carolina and John Sparkman and Lister Hill of Alabama contributed to the massive impact of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal in the southern states, though the reforms didn't affect just their constituents: the New Deal's characteristics of federal intervention and economic empowerment influenced their own political outlook for decades. While the senators' consistent defense of segregation stood in stark contrast to the purported "reluctance" of their racism in their election campaigns, the benefits of their economic liberalism benefited Black communities in their states. This, in turn, ensured a remarkable measure of support among Black southerners who were registered to vote and gave the three of them an unbeatable edge over opponents who were economically and racially conservative.

In focusing on the paradoxical politics of three Deep South Democrats, Heath avoids the pitfalls of overcategorization while entertaining two possibilities. The first is that Johnston, Sparkman, and Hill privately supported the advancement of Black rights but were restrained from doing so publicly by the political realities in their states, which forced them to maintain a strict adherence to racial segregation, albeit while pursuing reforms in social policy that benefited Black and white residents alike. The second is that the three of them held racist beliefs but avoided the racist hyperbole of their contemporaries because they possessed a sense of duty to their communities. Heath's analysis considers the influence of region, rather than state, alongside tradition and family history, to explain how the reluctant racism of these three men proved unusually influential in the age of civil rights.

A tragicomic memoir of a dysfunctional, working-class Brooklyn Jewish family.

The Last of the Ellis Island Jews is a tragicomic memoir of a dysfunctional working-class Brooklyn family that illuminates both the vitality of urban life in the twentieth century and the social turmoil of white flight. As a child of immigrants born to older parents, Dinerstein has a unique perspective on four generations-from his grandparents escaping Russia's pogroms to his parents' embattled marriage to his older Boomer siblings (split between feminist and Republican politics) to his own hippie hopes. As a white teenager in majority Black public schools, Dinerstein's firsthand experience led to his academic career as a scholar of race and music. Yet his family fits no paradigm of Jewish success due to a father with rage and gambling problems, resulting in the four siblings escaping early to the Brooklyn streets. As a family growing up with a diasporic identity, the Dinersteins provide a primer of ethnic Jewish culture through iconic scenes: a selfish Seder, a chaotic Bar Mitzvah, a videotaped bris, an allergy attack at Dachau, a staring contest with the Rebbe. Most of all, The Last of the Ellis Island Jews is a chronicle of lost worlds.

The shocking story of how a haven for the Lower East Side's Jewish population was destroyed by New York's rapacious real estate interests.

There were few options for Jewish patrons looking for a place to stay or celebrate key life events in turn-of-the-century New York City. To meet this need, entrepreneur Max Bernstein built Libby's Hotel and Baths, a magnificent $3 million, twelve-story luxury palace that towered over the tenements of New York City's gritty yet vibrant Lower East Side from 1926 until 1930. Bernstein's grand hotel was short-lived-it was demolished after falling victim to a predatory mortgage lending scheme and a land grab by corrupt Tammany politicians. The Ritz with a Shvitz illuminates the intrigue that an incestuous web of Tammany officials employed in their scheme to wrest control of Libby's Hotel and a large swath of the bustling neighborhood surrounding it. The rogues' gallery included Joseph Force Crater, the judge who vanished into the night, never to be seen or heard from again. Some historians speculate he was murdered because of his role in the takeover of Libby's Hotel. Bernstein's visionary building was razed and with it the dreams of a new, glamorous, gentrified, Jewish Lower East Side. The Ritz with a Shvitz is a compelling story of dreams and reality, greed and betrayal, corruption and reform and is a microcosm of that era of Tammany's oppressive control of New York City government.

In Shades of Complicity, Michael W. Fitzgerald explores one family's involvement with the Reconstruction-era Ku Klux Klan. Using the newly available Pickens family correspondence housed at the University of South Alabama, he examines the varying roles of family members as terrorists, supporters, and observers.

After the Civil War, the wealthy Pickens family of western Alabama offered a home to Eyre and Murray Damer, the orphaned brothers-in-law of James Pickens, until the disruptive behavior of the young men prompted the Pickenses to apprentice them elsewhere. The Damers became involved with a cluster of terrorists operating out of a newspaper in Eutaw, Alabama, a center of Klan activity. They provided firsthand accounts of violent activities they participated in, with one later writing a Klan memoir.

Fitzgerald reveals how the criminal activities of the Damers affected the Pickens family along age, gender, and class lines. The younger Pickens boys were drawn to the rebellious lifestyle of the brothers-in-law, expressed through sexual aggressiveness, alcohol consumption, and endorsement of racist violence. Other members of the family also shared the Damers' political and racial grievances, feeling wrongly dispossessed by defeat in the Civil War. While the whole family resented the financial and psychic losses brought by emancipation and Black suffrage, some of the Pickenses distanced themselves from the violent acts that characterized the Damers and the attitudes expressed by their own younger siblings.

Shades of Complicity provides a unique inside look at how one extended family experienced the Klan, and what came of their involvement afterward.

This volume studies popular assemblies in Greek cities from Homeric to late Hellenistic times. Greek poleis were among the most politically inclusive societies in premodern history, primarily because via their public assemblies, most or all adult male citizens beyond the elite could participate in politics. In those cities the Greeks called democracies, the assembly even functioned as the chief decision-making institution. In this volume, an international team of experts explores assemblies in Greek cities mostly beyond the already well-studied case of Classical Athens, focussing on topics like the origins of assembly politics in Homeric communities, the size of assemblies, assemblies in Classical oligarchic poleis, assemblies in Hellenistic cities (traditionally viewed as no longer fully democratic), and the comparative study of Greek assemblies and participatory institutions in other societies.

A companion volume (Popular Political Participation from the Early Roman Empire to Late Antiquity: The Assemblies of the Greek Cities beyond Athens Volume II) explores assemblies in Greek cities under Rome until the late third century CE. Throughout both volumes, the emphasis is on the notion that assemblies were an essential contributing factor to the surprising institutional success and longevity of the Greek city. Together they suggest that the assembly ought to be a key component of any explanation for the remarkable resilience of the polis as a system of government through more than a millennium of ancient history.

The Habsburg dynasty in Spain came to an end with the death of Charles II in 1700 and his replacement by Philip V, the teenage grandson of Louis XIV of France and founder of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain. The transition was complicated by the continent-spanning War of Spanish Succession (1702-1714), which provided an opportunity for the transformation and renewal of the Spanish state. Forging Faithful Subjects traces the Habsburg precedents for these reforms, the dynamic transition in the crucible of war, and the governing strategies through which Philip established remarkably durable nondemocratic politics in the changing world of the Age of Enlightenment.

In this innovative study of dynastic change, Phillip D. Fox challenges conventional accounts of Spanish political history and European state formation. Philip V's experience of the war and sense of betrayal by the Catalans and others drove him to cultivate loyalty in his subjects, while the monarch's sensitivity to his subjects' interests led him to balance royal control with local privilege, sometimes choosing to preserve administrative complexity rather than impose simpler centralizing reforms. These decisions paradoxically enabled Philip to secure his family's rule, increase royal resources, and recover some of the territory lost in the War of Spanish Succession.

By showing how dynastic concerns inspired such flexible strategies of governing and patronage, Forging Faithful Subjects reveals new approaches to the study of early modern state formation and the administration of empires. Fox's accessible narrative account of an often-neglected period draws on political, social, and economic history to make a groundbreaking argument demonstrating the logic behind European and Atlantic state formation during the long eighteenth century.

In their Pulitzer Prize-winning books, Doris Kearns Goodwin and James M. McPherson argue that Abraham Lincoln became a master strategist during his presidency. But even before he became president, Lincoln was adept at recognizing and exploiting strategic opportunities. In How Lincoln Won, Darin DeWitt and Thomas Schwartz show that Lincoln's strategy of division and conquest, cleverly designed and artfully executed over two years, not only secured his victory in America's most consequential presidential election but also helped establish the Republican Party as the nation's second major political party.

By 1858, Lincoln had grasped three essential truths. First, the Republican Party's moral opposition to the expansion of slavery commanded only minority support among the electorate. Second, in every presidential election since 1844, one party had won because the other had split on the slavery issue. Third, the Republican Party could win the presidency-without compromising its principled opposition to slavery's expansion-if it turned this recurring pattern into a deliberate strategy, that of division and conquest on the overriding issue of slavery.

Lincoln employed this strategy during the 1858 debates for the U.S. Senate seat from Illinois. There, Lincoln repeatedly trapped his opponent into taking new and moderate positions on slavery that fractured the Democratic Party. As a direct result of those concessions, rival Democratic tickets were fielded-first in Illinois in 1858 and then nationwide in 1860. Besides dividing votes, this split decimated the Democratic Party's campaign machinery, making it exceedingly difficult for either faction to mobilize supporters or persuade marginal voters. Absent this division, Illinois Republicans would not have swept statewide offices in 1858, nor would Lincoln have won the presidency in 1860.

Lincoln prevailed not only because he devised a clever strategy and executed it skillfully but also because history had positioned him and his allies to profit from it. In the end, his achievement reveals a novel model of transformative political change-one driven by strategic party division rather than by efforts of persuasion, moderation, or changing the issue agenda.

A lively, accessible introduction to the asymmetrical relationship between the United States and Mexico, one of the most formative international relationships in geopolitics today.

The border between the US and Mexico is the world's longest between a wealthy industrialized nation and a part of the Global South. The economy, society, culture, and politics of the two nations have become inextricably linked.

As the United States continues to assert its considerable geopolitical power, this book reminds us that this trend runs deep in the country's history, starting with its closest neighbors. Buchenau explores US territorial expansion, the Mexican Revolution of 1910, disputes over agricultural and mineral wealth, and the migration of Mexican laborers. Despite that massive power imbalance, Buchenau shows us that Mexico's influence on the United States is just as significant as the inverse.

Understand the role, impact, and lasting legacy that Catholicism has had in North America from European contact to today.

Beginning with North America's contact with three imperialist powers (Spain, France, and England), this narrative account tells the story of how Catholicism became and continues to be part of the basic religious and cultural fiber of North America. The book follows a narrative chronological and thematic format, focusing on people, events, practices, social and cultural phenomena, and institutions. People discussed include the well-known, such as Christopher Columbus and Junipero Serra, and the not-so-well-known, such as Juniper Berthiaume and Jean Louis Berlandier.

With 32 chapters divided into 7 parts and all drawing on primary sources, this book engages with topics such as the overwhelming violence against Indigenous people and the religion's role in wars, politics, and modern-day culture.

This book deconstructs a century of often biased interpretations of the Russian Revolution in France. The French mainstream media routinely met the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution with statements about a totalitarian nightmare, as dangerous as Nazism albeit more lengthy and murderous. Far from this negative bias, the first historians of the Bolshevik Revolution in France, as Victor Serge and Boris Souvarine, were close but unapologetic witnesses of the young Soviet regime. Moreover, the French Communist Party, whose primary goal was to follow the steps of the Bolsheviks, celebrated the "Great Socialist October Revolution" every year and enjoyed the attachment of millions of supporters for decades. As far as 1968, the Sorbonne was adorned with portraits of Lenin and young rebels would discuss Makhno's merits. In order to understand such a dramatic reversal from enthusiasm and public concern to disparagement and obliteration, one has to study how the Russian Revolution had been analysed in the media, discussed in politics, understood and told by the academia and represented in popular culture all through a century in France.

As newspapers and periodicals proliferated in the United States in the nineteenth century, editors seeking to carve out a large and loyal audience hired artists to pair vivid imagery with sensational fiction ripped from the headlines. In Crime and Class in Print, Wendy Jean Katz examines the emergence of a modern visual culture in pre-Civil War New York City around these illustrated stories of crime, swashbuckling, and ordinary and extraordinary characters both rich and poor. Katz documents the life and career of Tompkins H. Matteson (1813-1884), whose drawings were printed alongside these tales, to understand the mass production, reception, and circulation of serialized illustrations. By closely analyzing the images within both their historical and fictional contexts, she interrogates how these cheap, ephemeral periodicals dramatized urban crime but also framed it within class-based concerns.

The serial nature of Matteson's illustrations, which made the coupled stories accessible to a larger swath of readers, represented an investment in industrial progress necessary to reach "mass" audiences. As Katz explores, while the images of city life conveyed nuance regarding ethnicity, temperance, police powers, privacy, sex, labor, aesthetics, reading practices, and masculinity, their paired narrative texts frequently mutated within and across different periodicals and languages to suit their audiences. In the English-language press, Matteson's illustrations highlighted class struggle yet entwined them within the jingoist politics that advocated against immigration and upheld the white working class in opposition to ethnic diversity. As meaning shifted from one story, newspaper, or language to the next, what was a visual demonstration of progressive values championing proletariat interests became a platform to enforce a petit bourgeois and nativist perspective.

The Peoples' Friendship University in Moscow is the first close analysis of the history of the most important educational institute in the USSR for educating students from the Global South. Through her analysis of this key institution of Soviet internationalism during the Cold War, Riikkamari Muhonen provides a unique focus not only on everyday life within the institution, but how it supported the goals of Soviet public diplomacy towards nations affected by decolonization in Africa and the Middle East.

Drawing on archival material and interviews with alumni students, Muhonen's mixed methodological approach creates a deep and varied view of the institution and contributes to a rapidly growing field of studies on grass-root level connections between the Second and the Third world in the spheres of cultural collaboration, development aid, and international education.

This exploration of Soviet educational programs is important for broader understandings not only of post-war Soviet history, and the aftermath of decolonization and the global Cold War, but Russia's current and evolving relationship with allies across the Global South.

Occupied Bodies, Recognition, and Riot is a study of the transition from traditional popular culture to the first forms of industrial popular culture among the white working population of Philadelphia. Building from a focus on ambivalent masculinity, the book argues that traditional culture was animated by apprehensions concerning male bodies and that the anxieties and pain associated with the representation of male bodies drove the dramatic transformation of Philadelphia popular culture after 1825.

Ric Caric looks at transformations in white working-class culture in Philadelphia in the decades preceding the Civil War. Considering a wide range of cultural texts songs, diaries, newspaper accounts of workplace leisure, fire company records, medical testimonies, radical political agitation, temperance activism, race riots, and minstrel performances, the author suggests that this time was a period of transformation, particularly in regard to displays and expressions of masculinity.

In A Fight for Visibility, Donna E. Reeves explores how Black Memphians fought to maintain dignity and self-respect during the post-Reconstruction period and Jim Crow era by challenging the negative images of African Americans produced by Confederate loyalists as part of the Lost Cause narrative.

After the Civil War, Black Memphians actively struggled against the white Memphis establishment, which tried to shackle the movement and development of various Black communities. The more white Memphians tried to contain African Americans, the more African American residents stood against those efforts. Reeves surveys the history of Memphis in the postwar era, uncovering the motivations behind the Confederate monument-building frenzy at the end of the nineteenth century. She argues that the ceremonies and narratives of this period served to freeze Black people in deferential roles in the minds of white southerners. In response, through subtle and not-so-subtle avenues, Black residents challenged the notion that they were second-class citizens and sought to show that they were just as worthy of citizenship as their white counterparts.

Reeves focuses on two themes emblematic of the city's racial struggles. The first was the decades-long presence of a statue depicting the infamous Confederate general, slave trader, and first grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, Nathan Bedford Forrest, in the downtown area. The second was the hosting, beginning in the 1930s, of the Cotton Carnival, an event at which white residents and tourists, greeted by Black women dressed as plantation "mammies," celebrated the role of cotton in Memphis's history. When Black Memphians challenged depictions of their race at this annual event, they were not just rejecting demeaning stereotypes; they were also rejecting the white southern mindset that saw Black people in the role of servant and entertainer.

Reeves examines the myriad ways that Black Memphians protested both the continued presence of the Forrest statue and the Cotton Carnival. Black residents, she suggests, wanted more than simply to demand the removal of the statue (which eventually occurred) and to correct the powerful, mythologized memory of slavery. They saw these sites of protest as an opportunity to take control of the image of Black citizens and to challenge the widespread belief that only white people could lead the city in politics and business.