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Between 1880 and 1910, as Jim Crow's legal apparatus transformed Louisiana's complex racial landscape into a stark binary, Creole women fought to preserve their community's distinctive identity through the most ordinary acts of daily life. In their households, they cultivated kinship arrangements that prioritized mutual care over conventional family structures. In workshops and factories, they navigated the degradation of traditional occupations while strategically avoiding associations with Black women's labor. In churches, they deployed Catholic sacraments to formalize social bonds and secure legal protections. In courtrooms, they exploited Louisiana's racial ambiguities to defend their families and assert their claims to elevated status. Through these seemingly mundane spheres of daily existence, Creole women resisted the racial order that sought to collapse all people of African descent into a single category of Blackness.

Making Creole: Women and the Creole Community in Early Jim Crow New Orleans examines how Creole women took action against the systematic erosion of their privileges. As Louisiana moved from recognizing the legal status of free people of color to enforcing rigid Jim Crow segregation, Creole women became the primary architects of sociocultural preservation. Before the Civil War, Louisiana law had distinguished all free persons of African descent as legally separate from both enslaved persons and white people, granting them specific rights and privileges based on their "free" status rather than their complexion alone. The end of slavery eliminated this legal distinction. By the early twentieth century, Jim Crow legislation systematically forced all people of African descent into a single racialized category of Blackness, erasing the complex racial hierarchies that had previously structured Louisiana society. In this context, Creole women's labor in managing complex kinship networks, preserving Franco-Catholic traditions, policing community boundaries, and strategically navigating legal institutions constituted essential political work that sustained not just families but an entire ethnic community under siege.

Using an innovative "speculative demography" methodology, Natasha L. McPherson analyzes more than nine thousand transcribed records from census data, court documents, and Catholic church registers, including materials from the Sisters of the Holy Family, to reconstruct patterns of Creole women's resistance between 1880 and 1910. Making Creole moves beyond traditional narratives of political organizing to illuminate how women's everyday practices became mechanisms of ethnic identity formation and cultural survival, revealing resistance from the intimate spaces where it actually occurred.

This volume examines popular assemblies in Greek cities under Roman rule up to the late third century CE. Greek poleis were among the most politically inclusive societies in premodern history, primarily because via their public assemblies, most or all adult male citizens beyond the elite could participate in politics. In those cities the Greeks called democracies, the assembly even functioned as the chief decision-making institution. In this volume, an international team of experts explores the roles of assemblies amid increasing oligarchic pressures and within the framework of an autocratic empire. The chapters explore topics such as civic honours, the collaboration between council and assembly, the differing perspectives preserved in our sources, political discourse, and the impact of Roman conquest, governors and law.

A companion volume (Popular Political Participation from Archaic Greece to the Late Hellenistic Period: The Assemblies of the Greek Cities beyond Athens Volume I) traces the institution's development from Homeric Greece to the end of the Hellenistic age. Throughout both volumes, the emphasis is on the notion that assemblies were an essential contributing factor to the surprising institutional success and longevity of the Greek city. Together they suggest that the assembly ought to be a key component of any explanation for the remarkable resilience of the polis as a system of government through more than a millennium of ancient history.

A giant of political journalism, Lou Cannon rose to prominence as state bureau chief for the San Jose Mercury News in the late 1960s, covering then-governor of California Ronald Reagan. In 1972, he became a political reporter for The Washington Post, one of the top newspapers in the United States, where he would remain until 2008. Best known for his coverage of Reagan's presidency, he also notably covered the brutal beating of Rodney King at the hands of the Los Angeles police department in 1991.

From Ronald Reagan to Rodney King recounts Cannon's lengthy career as a newspaperman during a period when newspapers of record were the most important source of current events. He had extraordinary access to top newsmakers, and his work had a rippling impact-influencing other journalists, sparking coverage on television, and appearing in newspapers around the globe. Some of the stories he covered-such as the end of the Cold War-changed the world. His journalistic influence in the latter half of the twentieth century was deep and wide-ranging.

Cannon is the primary source of his stories, but he was a careful reporter then and a careful historian now. He had the benefit of a written record of every story he covered, and he clearly refreshed his memory when necessary to check the facts. Rather than revealing his own opinions or feelings, Cannon narrates straightforward accounts of what he witnessed on the job. From Ronald Reagan to Rodney King will appeal to historians of twentieth-century journalism, the Cold War, Ronald Reagan, race relations, and policing.

In Arizona's Quest for Reform, David R. Berman traces the rise and fall of a dynamic coalition of socialists, labor activists, and progressive Democrats led by the influential Governor George Hunt as they pursued sweeping reforms in a rapidly changing state. From the fight for workers' rights and women's suffrage to the use of the initiative process and the role of radical newspapers, Berman brings to life the people and movements that shaped Arizona's early political identity.

Drawing on extensive primary sources and organized in a clear chronological structure, Berman's study reveals the tensions, alliances, and dramatic events that defined Arizona's reform efforts between 1900 and 1920. The book explores the impact of powerful mining interests, railroad companies, and labor unions, while also examining the racialization of Mexican miners and their evolving role in the labor movement. Through vivid storytelling and rigorous scholarship, Berman uncovers the complexities of political change in a state straddling the transition from territory to statehood.

This landmark work will appeal to scholars of western history, labor studies, and political science, as well as general readers interested in Arizona's unique place in the national Progressive movement. Arizona's Quest for Reform not only deepens our understanding of the past but also offers timely insights into the enduring challenges of coalition building, grassroots activism, and political reform. It is a vital contribution to the study of Arizona and the American West.

In 1775-1776, Francisco Garces, O.F.M., undertook a remarkable three-thousand-kilometer journey through modern Arizona and the Californias. As a participant in a side-branch of Juan Bautista de Anza's colonizing expedition to San Francisco, Garces recorded a diary that provides a fascinating glimpse of Native peoples, several who had minimal or no prior contact with the Spanish empire. Garces described customs, detailed alliances and enmities, and offered recommendations, both missionary and military. When he reached Hopi from the west (the first European to do so), Garces completed a route between Monterey and Santa Fe, in effect completing a road across North America a generation before Lewis and Clark. The Hopi leaders, who clearly understood the implications, expelled him, declaring their independence on July 4, 1776.

Garces's diary remains vital for the Indigenous history of western North America. Yet the standard translation is flawed, not least owing to the state of ethnographic knowledge when it was made (1900), resulting in more than a century of reiterated misinterpretations of Indigenous history by anthropologists and historians. Peter M. Whiteley identifies the ur-version of Garces's diary-a previously unknown copy written up by Pedro Font-and offers a new translation focusing on ethnographic significance in geographic context. Presenting also the Spanish text, Whiteley engages directly with Garces's account and provides readers with new interpretation and context.

Garces was a genuine ethnographer and his accounts of Hopi, River Yumans, Takic, Yokuts, Numic, and Pai peoples, contain unparalleled and foundational insights.

The story of an outsider representing the Hasidic Satmar Jewish community of Kiryas Joel in the Orange County, New York Legislature.

Outside Looking In chronicles the saga of Michael Frank Amo, an Orange County, New York, legislator who has represented the Hasidic Jewish community of Kiryas Joel for three decades. As a political minority member of the legislature, Amo fought to get their voice and points of view heard amid during his unique role as a non-Jew representing a Satmar Hasidic community. It shows how he learned about them, how to best represent them, and why they behave so differently than others, ultimately illuminating the humanity and core values of the Satmar in relationship to the world around them, how they manage conflicts among themselves, and the non-Hasidic or secular world of Orange County. With input from many in and outside the community, Amo proposes approaches to the conflicts caused by theological differences, ignorance, bias, antisemitism, and anti-Hasidim that have fermented for nearly a half-century. For anyone interested in this unique community or the ongoing problems caused by antisemitism in our country, this book is a must read.

Examines the presidential elections from 1832 to 2020 and reveals that the unequal representation of popular vote among states and wasted votes received by popular vote winners are major causes of the split between the popular vote result and Electoral College result.

During the 2020 presidential election, it was possible, if unlikely, for a candidate to win the election by winning only 21 percent of the popular vote in the nation. Inversely, it was possible for a candidate to win 79 percent of popular vote and still lose the election. Examining presidential elections from 1832 to 2020, Manabu Saeki reveals that the unequal representation of popular vote among states and wasted votes received by popular vote winners are major causes of the split between the popular vote result and Electoral College result. An average voter in the most overrepresented state holds Electoral College votes that are approximately twice as many as those of the average voter nationwide and four times larger than those of the most underrepresented state. Republican candidates today tend to win a significantly larger number of overrepresented states, thereby winning a larger number of Electoral College votes relative to the number of popular votes they win. However, Republican candidates also suffer more wasted votes than Democratic candidates. Further, Saeki analyzes the vote decision by individual voters. Voters with strong racist and/or authoritarian inclinations tended to vote for a Republican candidate prior to, as well as after, the 2016 election. There is no indication that Donald Trump mobilized the voters with racist or authoritarian predispositions.

The Peoples' Friendship University in Moscow is the first close analysis of the history of the most important educational institute in the USSR for educating students from the Global South. Through her analysis of this key institution of Soviet internationalism during the Cold War, Riikkamari Muhonen provides a unique focus not only on everyday life within the institution, but how it supported the goals of Soviet public diplomacy towards nations affected by decolonization in Africa and the Middle East.

Drawing on archival material and interviews with alumni students, Muhonen's mixed methodological approach creates a deep and varied view of the institution and contributes to a rapidly growing field of studies on grass-root level connections between the Second and the Third world in the spheres of cultural collaboration, development aid, and international education.

This exploration of Soviet educational programs is important for broader understandings not only of post-war Soviet history, and the aftermath of decolonization and the global Cold War, but Russia's current and evolving relationship with allies across the Global South.

This book examines the essential role of women in cartography during WWII. Starting by highlighting the process of mapping during World War II and major employers of women cartographers, Tyner and Tyner illuminate how the discipline of cartography emerged and highlight the contributions of women involved in this process. The book uncovers the impact of WWII on mapmaking.

Before the war, cartography was seen as a tool rather than a discipline in its own right. The advent of war dramatically changed the cartographic profession and, in turn, contributed to a reimagining of cartography as a discipline. New agencies such as the Army Map Service and the Office of Strategic Services, as well as established agencies such as the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the United States Geological Survey were commissioned to make maps for the war effort. Furthermore, the Army Map Service was the largest employer of women during the War. Overall, this inspiring book looks at the kinds of maps that women made and the attitudes towards women in cartography to tell the untold story of women cartographers during WWII.

A lively, accessible introduction to the asymmetrical relationship between the United States and Mexico, one of the most formative international relationships in geopolitics today.

The border between the US and Mexico is the world's longest between a wealthy industrialized nation and a part of the Global South. The economy, society, culture, and politics of the two nations have become inextricably linked.

As the United States continues to assert its considerable geopolitical power, this book reminds us that this trend runs deep in the country's history, starting with its closest neighbors. Buchenau explores US territorial expansion, the Mexican Revolution of 1910, disputes over agricultural and mineral wealth, and the migration of Mexican laborers. Despite that massive power imbalance, Buchenau shows us that Mexico's influence on the United States is just as significant as the inverse.

The Early Years of Old Main, 1885-1915 details the archaeological discoveries revealed during the 2012-14 renovation of Old Main, which, due to its age and historic records, is on the National Register of Historic Places.

Thanks to detailed excavation work by a team of archaeologists, this work documents eight historic features of the building, ranging from equipment pads to drainage systems. Drawing on archaeological monitoring, artifact analysis, archival records, architectural drawings, and historic photographs, the narrative reconstructs how Old Main functioned during the university's first decades and how its physical spaces supported early scientific instruction in mining, metallurgy, and agriculture.

More than a technical report, this volume offers a tangible glimpse into the material foundations of higher education in territorial and early statehood Arizona. Madsen's careful documentation preserves knowledge of features that could not be saved during renovation and places them in the broader context of Old Main's architectural evolution and its central role on campus. The result is an important resource for historians, archaeologists, preservationists, and anyone who values the University of Arizona's heritage-demonstrating that even the most familiar buildings can still hold untold stories beneath their floors and landscapes.

Examining how people understood the role of the dead and the divine in the curse tablets they created, this book provides unparalleled insights into the lives of those often underrepresented in ancient sources. Looking at these small, handwritten inscriptions in Celtic, Coptic, Greek, Latin and Punic allows us to see into the lives and imaginations of the broader population, including women and enslaved peoples, from the sixth century BCE to the seventh century CE.

The book primarily focuses on the roles of the restless dead and divine in curse tablets, from actively carrying out a curse (physically or metaphysically), to their use analogically, and their function as intermediaries and witnesses. By placing the focus always on the individual, Charlotte Spence enhances our understanding both of the lives of ancient individuals and their conceptions of the dead.

In A Fight for Visibility, Donna E. Reeves explores how Black Memphians fought to maintain dignity and self-respect during the post-Reconstruction period and Jim Crow era by challenging the negative images of African Americans produced by Confederate loyalists as part of the Lost Cause narrative.

After the Civil War, Black Memphians actively struggled against the white Memphis establishment, which tried to shackle the movement and development of various Black communities. The more white Memphians tried to contain African Americans, the more African American residents stood against those efforts. Reeves surveys the history of Memphis in the postwar era, uncovering the motivations behind the Confederate monument-building frenzy at the end of the nineteenth century. She argues that the ceremonies and narratives of this period served to freeze Black people in deferential roles in the minds of white southerners. In response, through subtle and not-so-subtle avenues, Black residents challenged the notion that they were second-class citizens and sought to show that they were just as worthy of citizenship as their white counterparts.

Reeves focuses on two themes emblematic of the city's racial struggles. The first was the decades-long presence of a statue depicting the infamous Confederate general, slave trader, and first grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, Nathan Bedford Forrest, in the downtown area. The second was the hosting, beginning in the 1930s, of the Cotton Carnival, an event at which white residents and tourists, greeted by Black women dressed as plantation "mammies," celebrated the role of cotton in Memphis's history. When Black Memphians challenged depictions of their race at this annual event, they were not just rejecting demeaning stereotypes; they were also rejecting the white southern mindset that saw Black people in the role of servant and entertainer.

Reeves examines the myriad ways that Black Memphians protested both the continued presence of the Forrest statue and the Cotton Carnival. Black residents, she suggests, wanted more than simply to demand the removal of the statue (which eventually occurred) and to correct the powerful, mythologized memory of slavery. They saw these sites of protest as an opportunity to take control of the image of Black citizens and to challenge the widespread belief that only white people could lead the city in politics and business.

Americans have participated in the ballot box from the Founding Era to the present day. By combining historical background with current debates, it highlights both progress and persistent barriers to fuller democratic participation. Presented in an accessible dictionary-style format, the book defines and explains key terms, concepts, court cases, and political developments that have shaped U.S. democracy. It covers milestones such as the expansion of suffrage, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and modern challenges like gerrymandering, voter suppression, election denial, and disinformation.

Historical Dictionary of Voting and Elections in the United States contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography, and cross-referenced dictionary entries. With a focus on election mechanics, reforms that have expanded access, and the threats of democratic backsliding, this volume gives readers the language and context to understand how U.S. elections operate and why they matter. It serves as both a reference and a reminder to value and defend the foundations of democratic participation.

Alfred C. Young III's Lee's Army During the Petersburg Campaign is an intensive study of Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia during the Sieges of Petersburg and Richmond from the outset of the campaign in June 1864 to the end of the year. Young bases his work on years of research gleaned from the National Archives and numerous other primary sources and provides periodic strength figures for the combat elements of Lee's army, as well as casualties on the Confederate side during each of the major battles and during siege operations throughout the campaign. His work is not a comprehensive study of the campaign; rather, it is a study of each command or element comprising Lee's army.

Lee's Army During the Petersburg Campaign is a companion to Young's earlier study, Lee's Army During the Overland Campaign. In addition to a narrative that provides background information on the campaign and a selection of twenty-six maps, the book features ninety-nine detailed tables of casualty data and unit strengths. Until now, accurate information on the strength and casualties in Lee's army during the latter half of 1864 has mostly been speculative. Young's work is the first serious attempt to correct this gap in the history.

Occupied Bodies, Recognition, and Riot is a study of the transition from traditional popular culture to the first forms of industrial popular culture among the white working population of Philadelphia. Building from a focus on ambivalent masculinity, the book argues that traditional culture was animated by apprehensions concerning male bodies and that the anxieties and pain associated with the representation of male bodies drove the dramatic transformation of Philadelphia popular culture after 1825.

Ric Caric looks at transformations in white working-class culture in Philadelphia in the decades preceding the Civil War. Considering a wide range of cultural texts songs, diaries, newspaper accounts of workplace leisure, fire company records, medical testimonies, radical political agitation, temperance activism, race riots, and minstrel performances, the author suggests that this time was a period of transformation, particularly in regard to displays and expressions of masculinity.

A tragicomic memoir of a dysfunctional, working-class Brooklyn Jewish family.

The Last of the Ellis Island Jews is a tragicomic memoir of a dysfunctional working-class Brooklyn family that illuminates both the vitality of urban life in the twentieth century and the social turmoil of white flight. As a child of immigrants born to older parents, Dinerstein has a unique perspective on four generations-from his grandparents escaping Russia's pogroms to his parents' embattled marriage to his older Boomer siblings (split between feminist and Republican politics) to his own hippie hopes. As a white teenager in majority Black public schools, Dinerstein's firsthand experience led to his academic career as a scholar of race and music. Yet his family fits no paradigm of Jewish success due to a father with rage and gambling problems, resulting in the four siblings escaping early to the Brooklyn streets. As a family growing up with a diasporic identity, the Dinersteins provide a primer of ethnic Jewish culture through iconic scenes: a selfish Seder, a chaotic Bar Mitzvah, a videotaped bris, an allergy attack at Dachau, a staring contest with the Rebbe. Most of all, The Last of the Ellis Island Jews is a chronicle of lost worlds.

This book explores the radicalization and fascistization of the Ustasa-The Croatian Revolutionary Organization within the interwar Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and later Yugoslavia, whose tumultuous rise led to terrorism and racial cleansing throughout the western Balkans.

Using an interdisciplinary and socio-cultural approach, Constantin Iordachi and Goran Miljan trace the Ustasa's political trajectory from its ideological and organizational roots in the 1920s, to its guerrilla struggle and terrorist activities in the 1930s, to its genocidal rule, violent downfall, and post-1945 metamorphosis in exile.

By considering the paramount role played by prejudice, economic deprivation, and the breakdown of social institutions in fueling grievances against an existing socio-political system, the authors place the emergence of the Ustasa in the context of the interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia but also in the wider perspective of the emergence of fascist movements and regimes in interwar and wartime Europe.