労働史・労働運動史・社会主義史 — 全 下位分類

During the eighteenth century, the French and British empires mobilized thousands of workers in what is now Canada through a system of mandatory labour known as corvee. Rooted in the feudal obligations of peasants to their landlords, corvee was introduced by the French, and later exploited by the British, becoming part of their arsenal during the American revolutionary wars.

Richard Tomczak chronicles the transformation of the corvee system over a century. Under the French regime, corvee was mostly directed towards local public works projects, such as building roads and bridges. After the conquest of Quebec, the system assumed greater scope. The British realized their need for labour in an underpopulated region and co-opted corvee for their imperial ends, requiring the male inhabitants of New France to work in state enterprises such as iron mining and logging, and conscripting Canadians to support their military expeditions during the American Revolution. This surging demand for labour in the service of the state precipitated widespread protests in New France, forcing the governor to ratify a new provincial code regulating the use of corvee. Tomczak also sheds light on the rhythms of French Canadians' working lives, their understanding of corvee obligations, and the ways they expressed resistance when the system became burdensome.

Exploring a lesser-known aspect of the labour arrangements that propped up the colonial state, Workers of War and Empire from New France to British America, 1688-1783 puts French Canadian workers front and centre in the history of early Canada.

All miners and smelter workers know the folly of going on strike when their employer holds a stockpile. In 1958 the International Nickel Company had enough nickel on hand to guarantee sales for at least six months. Despite this, fourteen thousand miners and smeltermen in Sudbury, Ontario, downed their tools and struck against the corporate titan of the mining industry.

Standing Up to Big Nickel is a comprehensive portrait of a pivotal strike by the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, a union that has inspired exceptional levels of solidarity among its members. The Cold War and the resulting instabilities in the Canadian labour movement form the backdrop to Elizabeth Quinlan's engrossing analysis. The union straddled the line, she shows, between its historical commitment to working-class struggle and the newly restrictive legal landscape of the postwar era. Retrospective accounts by surviving union members, leaders, family, and community members bring to life the history of a distinctive group of workers who sweated over smelter furnaces and toiled underground in perilous conditions.

Quinlan traces the events before, during, and after one of Canada's greatest strikes in both magnitude and duration. Featuring biographical sketches and scenes based on archival and documentary data, Standing Up to Big Nickel captures an intensely dramatic juncture in Canadian labour history.

This biography of Roy Reuther examines his tumultuous life, including the triumphs and tragedies in the labor and civil rights movements. It also serves as a cautionary tale about the dangers activists may face as they confront entrenched societal powers. As the brother of famed labor leader Walter Reuther, Roy was a key figure in the historic Flint sit-down strike that gave birth to the United Auto Workers (UAW). He became the political director of the UAW and was deeply involved in struggles to pass civil rights legislation. This book explores his passion for increasing voter participation and his vow to help downtrodden farmworkers.

Many of the injustices that Reuther fought continue to plague America today. This book provides important context for the current efforts of workers to organize, for the Black Lives Matter movement, and for efforts to reform the filibuster rule and stop voter suppression. It shows how dedicated individuals can overcome enormous odds to win great victories for social justice and emphasizes the potential connections between the labor and civil rights movements, offering hope for a more just future.

Brings to life Grays Harbor's fiery legacy of class conflict

In the early decades of the twentieth century, Grays Harbor was the Lumber Capital of the World. While thousands of lumber and maritime workers fought for higher wages and decent conditions, employers unified to protect their interests, often through violent and corrupt means. They spied on unionists, expelled them from their own towns, vilified them in the press, and physically assaulted labor activists. But with deep roots in their communities, radical workers continued to meet in their halls and immigrant neighborhoods-and to influence the wider labor movement well into the 1930s.

In Red Harbor, Aaron Goings resurrects the forgotten history of lumber workers in a bastion of labor radicalism, examining the conflict as workers faced down an alliance of employers, police, and violent anti-radicals, including the Ku Klux Klan. But he goes beyond these clashes to illuminate the vital roles of families, immigrants, and working-class women in the labor movement, revealing how people fought not only for labor rights but also for the good of their communities. The Industrial Workers of the World (or Wobblies) in particular adopted views and tactics from socialist Finnish immigrants while authoring programs responsive to local needs and supported by the people-radical and otherwise.

Vivid and revealing, Red Harbor shines a light on lumber workers and the pursuit of justice in the Pacific Northwest.

This book brings together the office and office working as an economic construct, as a business function, as a building type and as a mode of work. It explores social and economic relations, and it traces the evolution of work and the environment and equipment needed to support it over the last 400 years. In so doing, it helps to fill a void in popular understanding of the office.

The role of the office has been examined over the past three years in ways that it has never been examined before. Whilst the existential crisis arising from COVID-19 has settled somewhat, there remain big questions over the future of office workers and office real estate. This book is a timely, well-researched and fascinating contribution to the debate.

Rob Harris explores how the nature of work has changed, and continues to change, placing the events surrounding COVID-19 into a longer-term perspective and asking what is the future of the office? Will it go through a radical reinvention? How will office work evolve in the future? Whither office buildings? The book emphasises the continuum of change and that today's events are simply the latest stage of change, rather than something entirely novel.

This book will be of interest to anyone with a stake in the built environment, whether as an investor, occupier, owner, manager or advisor. It is equally accessible to those with a non-technical background, including students on courses such as economic history, economics, geography, real estate and urban planning.

This new edition is an updated assessment of the ideas and strategies of early French socialists, incorporating recent research which observes the practical and scientific nature of socialist proposals.

The second edition provides increased coverage of women's contributions, including the important roles of activists like Flora Tristan and Jeanne Deroin, socialist women's newspapers, schools run by women, and the demand for suffrage in 1848. There is also further emphasis on socialist experiments in France's new colony, Algeria, and on transnational connections, particularly with Owen in Britain and Fourierist communities in North America. Association still figures prominently as the solution to the social and economic problems created by modernisation and capitalist exploitation. It took a variety of forms, from Fourier's proposal that private finance create profit-sharing communities, to Leroux's practical cooperative venture at Boussac, through Blanc and Considerant's demands for state initiative to set up worker alternatives to capitalism. The democratic republic of 1848 gave socialists the opportunity to engage in politics, and despite the setbacks of the Second Empire, socialists were set on a parliamentary route in which they still have a presence.

French Early Socialists 1790s-1870s is an engaging resource for students and scholars in histories of France, politics and gender.

This book constitutes the first book-length study of journalistic responses to poverty and protest during the Lancashire cotton crisis. The cotton crisis of 1861-1865 is a popular subject in history, culture and education. Workers' voices are comprehensively studied in terms of newspapers publishing fiction and poetry, and the broader political response to the crisis, the American Civil War and British workers' support of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. They are, though, overlooked in terms of journalistic representation of workers. Ironically, discussions of the cotton crisis, including where efforts are made to assess the workers' experience, have consistently relied upon journalism as primary sources and the first witness of history without assessing the news copy's political unconscious. This lack of attention is especially apparent when considering workers challenging poverty through dedicated protest. Amid the celebrated workers' opposition to slavery, and their 'sublime heroism' as noted by American President Abraham Lincoln, there were less studied local struggles for financial help, for education, and for the vote.

Fighting Toxic Ignorance explores conflict over access to information regarding health hazards encountered in the US workplace during the first three-quarters of the twentieth century. Alan Derickson considers risks posed by toxic chemicals and physical and biological agents of disease. By the 1970s, occupational disease was estimated to kill up to 100,000 Americans a year. Derickson unravels the social and political forces and the conflictual process that gave rise to a sustained social movement for a workers' right to know about often-insidious threats. He argues that the decades prior to the emergence of this movement were not a dark age of victimization brought about by enforced ignorance but a time of recurrent battles over the disclosure of needed facts. Workplace warnings-informative signs, labels, and instructions-often saved lives. Fighting Toxic Ignorance covers a broad range of dangerous substances, deals with a large share of the national workforce, and illuminates the many ways that activists endeavored to see that warnings reached workers, especially immigrants and workers of color.

This book offers a comprehensive history of the Ethiopian labour movement, exploring the impact of trade unions and workers' militancy from the 1960s onwards. The author analyses the sharp variation in the orientation and vicissitudes of the labour movement over time, and how these have affected labour conditions and wages. Drawing from new data gathered through extensive archival research in Ethiopia and abroad, this book is the first of its kind. It presents new datasets on strikes, unrest and wage levels, shedding light on how capitalist labour and industrial relations have developed in Ethiopia. Addressing a huge gap in the literature on African labour movements, this book makes a significant contribution to debates on trade unionism, workers' agency and wage determination in peripheral capitalist settings, and challenges existing assumptions through detailed investigation.

Emma Paterson was a pioneer of trade unionism for women. In her short life, she set up a League dedicated to that cause, edited a newspaper to publicise it and travelled the UK working for it. Her spoken and written work addressed issues still with us today, from the gender pay gap to domestic labour, and those thankfully consigned to history, such as whether women should be able to vote or find clothes appropriate to industrial work.

Emma Paterson, Trade Unionist and Feminist, In Her Own Words brings together the major works that comprise Emma Paterson's written output, offering a unique insight into the struggles and concerns of women working in the workshops, factories, shops and homes of Britain's Industrial Revolution. This book includes a long biographical chapter from the editor, a preface from Frances O'Grady, first woman general secretary of the Trades Union Congress, and then an annotated selection of Emma Paterson's most important works, from her time as a young activist to her last days as an overworked editor and union leader.

This book will appeal to scholars and students of the history of Britain, of its women workers, of industrial, labour and publishing history. It addresses broader questions of class and gender, the interconnections that exist between them and the silences that often accompany them.

This revised and updated book provides unique insight into cross-border labor mobility, from the ancient forms of slavery to the present day. With a focus on the economic factors that underpin human mobility across the world, it charts the different forms of migration from African and Amerindian slaveries, to modern global migration and human trafficking. By highlighting the economic and political conditions that drive human mobility and anti-immigrant sentiments, a nuanced and detailed understanding of the drivers of forced and voluntary cross-border mobility are presented.

This book presents a multidisciplinary understanding of the patterns and processes that define human mobility. It will be of interest to students, researchers, and policymakers working within labour economics and migration studies.

During the Cold War, and despite the contrary image of relative seclusion suggested by states and political blocs, diverse groups of workers crossed for professional reasons not only national borders, but also moved from one political system to another. For shorter or longer periods of time, different kinds of workers crossed from Eastern European Communist states or from right-wing dictatorships in Southern Europe to Western Europe, but also from Western Europe to the East and South of the continent. These workers were part of transnational networks across otherwise (relatively) closed political borders and can be interpreted both as seemingly unpolitical in the ordinariness of everyday work life and as extraordinary in their defiance of the political order of national isolation.

Covering cases as diverse as migrant workers, academics abroad, professionals on a foreign deployment or informal border crossings, this edited volume concentrates on personal and group experiences of these cross-border workers, on transnational networks, or on national labor policies. This focus on cross-border workers during the Cold War sheds light on the intricate entanglement of the East, South and West of Europe beyond political ideologies.

This edited collection provides an in-depth analysis of the imperial, colonial, and postcolonial history of tobacco from 1780 to 1960, which was one of the major periods of change in the global tobacco economy. It brings together case-studies from known and lesser-known tobacco regions of the world to interrogate tobacco's 'second globalisation', a concept little employed by historians thus far, but one which encapsulates tobacco's central role in Europe's imperial expansion beyond the Atlantic and the social, political, and cultural transformations of global capitalism taking place during the period. The collection fills a gap in the study of commodities of empire, which has examined tobacco primarily for the early modern Atlantic world, or for single empires during the later period. It invites comparison across borders, encompassing political, economic, and sociocultural history, and, with a particular emphasis on trade, knowledge, and labour, juxtaposes micro-histories with a macro-historical perspective. Together, the studies in the volume testify to the importance of tobacco in new places and among new players, challenging the confines of national and imperial historiographical frameworks. They demonstrate the rising dominance of new powerful forces, including transnational corporations, but also a wide range of actors in conflict and negotiation within territorial and imperial confines. By systematically taking into account the agency in Europe's apparent peripheries and the Global South, they critique a simple assumption of the dominance of the West.

Chapter 11 is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.