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Making Freedom Work tells the stories of five free women of color in antebellum New Orleans. The lives of Eulalie Mandeville, Henriette Delille, Marie Couvent, Cecille Bonille, and Marie Dolores Laveaux reveal the economic, legal, and cultural strategies free Black women used to move through a racially stratified, patriarchal slave society. Janet Morrison argues that free women of color could play a crucial role in the city's economic, religious, and communal life, even as they navigated and contested the restraints placed upon them by their race and gender. Foregrounding the voices of these women and their families, Morrison recovers stories that have long been marginalized in New Orleans history.

During a period of profound transformation in New Orleans-including French and Spanish colonial legacies, imposed American racial hierarchies after the Louisiana Purchase, and increased mobility within the Atlantic world-these five women found numerous ways to exercise their agency in a world that was not designed for them. They owned businesses, accumulated property, pursued litigation, engaged in philanthropy, and provided religious leadership, all while building durable networks of care, education, and spirituality. Avoiding the dangers of outright rebellion, the women employed strategies of gendered resistance-refusal, adaptation, collaboration-that often proved very successful, carving out space for survival in ways that confounded societal expectations of who they could be and what they could accomplish.

Morrison draws on a rich trove of archival sources such as censuses, city directories, notarial records, wills, successions, and court cases. Recognizing that these records were produced within white-controlled bureaucratic systems, Making Freedom Work attends closely to both their evidentiary value and their silences. It also confronts the complexities of slaveholding by free people of color, interpreting it as part of a broader struggle for security, status, and distance from enslavement, while emphasizing the uneven and contingent relationships between enslavers and the enslaved.

Making Freedom Work reintroduces these women-so often dismissed and devalued in their own time-as central historical actors, highlighting their influence as entrepreneurs, community builders, educators, and mothers of the next generation.

Americans have participated in the ballot box from the Founding Era to the present day. By combining historical background with current debates, it highlights both progress and persistent barriers to fuller democratic participation. Presented in an accessible dictionary-style format, the book defines and explains key terms, concepts, court cases, and political developments that have shaped U.S. democracy. It covers milestones such as the expansion of suffrage, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and modern challenges like gerrymandering, voter suppression, election denial, and disinformation.

Historical Dictionary of Voting and Elections in the United States contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography, and cross-referenced dictionary entries. With a focus on election mechanics, reforms that have expanded access, and the threats of democratic backsliding, this volume gives readers the language and context to understand how U.S. elections operate and why they matter. It serves as both a reference and a reminder to value and defend the foundations of democratic participation.

James O. Heath's Deep South Democrats is the story of three men who redefined the southern political landscape through unique voting records in health, housing, labor, and education. Olin Johnston of South Carolina and John Sparkman and Lister Hill of Alabama contributed to the massive impact of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal in the southern states, though the reforms didn't affect just their constituents: the New Deal's characteristics of federal intervention and economic empowerment influenced their own political outlook for decades. While the senators' consistent defense of segregation stood in stark contrast to the purported "reluctance" of their racism in their election campaigns, the benefits of their economic liberalism benefited Black communities in their states. This, in turn, ensured a remarkable measure of support among Black southerners who were registered to vote and gave the three of them an unbeatable edge over opponents who were economically and racially conservative.

In focusing on the paradoxical politics of three Deep South Democrats, Heath avoids the pitfalls of overcategorization while entertaining two possibilities. The first is that Johnston, Sparkman, and Hill privately supported the advancement of Black rights but were restrained from doing so publicly by the political realities in their states, which forced them to maintain a strict adherence to racial segregation, albeit while pursuing reforms in social policy that benefited Black and white residents alike. The second is that the three of them held racist beliefs but avoided the racist hyperbole of their contemporaries because they possessed a sense of duty to their communities. Heath's analysis considers the influence of region, rather than state, alongside tradition and family history, to explain how the reluctant racism of these three men proved unusually influential in the age of civil rights.

Presenting a study of the Galli priests of the Roman cult of Cybele, the Great Mother goddess, this book examines the archaeological evidence to give a clearer picture of the priesthood. The Galli were priests renowned in Antiquity for their crossdressing, mendicant, ecstatic behaviour and their infamous act of self-castration. However, most of our understanding of the Galli comes from an incomplete, fragmentary and scathing literary record. This book aims to rectify this imbalance by re-assessing them in light of the material evidence, and by comparing them with subsequent cultural groups.

Through the use of three comparative case studies from Polynesia, India and North America, this book analyses the ancient social group with these three modern 'gender variant' counterparts to highlight the 'othered' identity and experience of the Galli. The study reveals shared similarities regarding gendered 'other' attire, religious associations and sexual relationships. This approach offers a remarkable insight into the Galli cult, and poses questions on how similar human social groups operate, irrespective of time and place.

The Early Years of Old Main, 1885-1915 details the archaeological discoveries revealed during the 2012-14 renovation of Old Main, which, due to its age and historic records, is on the National Register of Historic Places.

Thanks to detailed excavation work by a team of archaeologists, this work documents eight historic features of the building, ranging from equipment pads to drainage systems. Drawing on archaeological monitoring, artifact analysis, archival records, architectural drawings, and historic photographs, the narrative reconstructs how Old Main functioned during the university's first decades and how its physical spaces supported early scientific instruction in mining, metallurgy, and agriculture.

More than a technical report, this volume offers a tangible glimpse into the material foundations of higher education in territorial and early statehood Arizona. Madsen's careful documentation preserves knowledge of features that could not be saved during renovation and places them in the broader context of Old Main's architectural evolution and its central role on campus. The result is an important resource for historians, archaeologists, preservationists, and anyone who values the University of Arizona's heritage-demonstrating that even the most familiar buildings can still hold untold stories beneath their floors and landscapes.

Between 1975 and 1983, Guatemala's hydrocarbon development became deeply entangled with state-led violence during the country's civil war. The United States' efforts to secure favorable access to Guatemalan oil intersected with-and in some cases redirected-the trajectory of U.S. foreign assistance and human rights policy.

In the first book on U.S.-Guatemalan hydrocarbon relations, Richard M. Balzano exposes the arms-for-aid diplomacy and duplicity in the Reagan administration, who actively supported the Guatemalan government as they inflicted violence on their own citizens. US-Guatemalan Petro-Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century makes several original contributions to the existing scholarship on Guatemalan energy development and inter-American resource imperialism. Balzano challenges the notion that Guatemala was a peripheral concern in Reagan's Cold War strategy in Central America, arguing instead that it played a pivotal role in shaping U.S. regional policy.

U.S. political history is often told through certain perspectives. Whether that is of certain personalities, presidential elections, or political crises, the history of American politics around administrations, ideological conflicts, and pivotal moments, treating each era as distinct. But often these histories fail to compare causes and consequences across time, confusing correlation with causation, mistaking anecdotes for drivers.

This book provides an analytic history of American politics from 1763 to 2024. Focused on conscious efforts to shape public policy, Byron Shafer and Regina Wagner guide their readers through 260 years by relying on four analytical categories that span across the timeline of this narrative. Leveraging analyses of social cleavages, intermediary organizations, governmental institutions, and the policymaking process, the authors are thus able to compare and contrast the efforts to effect policy in different eras and within different contexts. With this new perspecting on American politics, Shafer and Wagner help us better understand our past and contextualize our present.

Examining how people understood the role of the dead and the divine in the curse tablets they created, this book provides unparalleled insights into the lives of those often underrepresented in ancient sources. Looking at these small, handwritten inscriptions in Celtic, Coptic, Greek, Latin and Punic allows us to see into the lives and imaginations of the broader population, including women and enslaved peoples, from the sixth century BCE to the seventh century CE.

The book primarily focuses on the roles of the restless dead and divine in curse tablets, from actively carrying out a curse (physically or metaphysically), to their use analogically, and their function as intermediaries and witnesses. By placing the focus always on the individual, Charlotte Spence enhances our understanding both of the lives of ancient individuals and their conceptions of the dead.

The general-in-chief did not command the million-man Union army that fought in the Civil War, as most historians have assumed; rather, he was a member of a management team that included the president and the secretary of war. The president, as commander-in-chief, created the position by appointing an officer to it, and he could dismiss that officer at any time and choose not to appoint another. The general-in-chief had to cooperate closely with the president and the secretary of war to ensure the team functioned effectively.

In Managing the Union Army, renowned Civil War historian Earl J. Hess upends our understanding of the general-in-chief, his role in the Union military system, and his influence on the conflict's outcome. Hess reinterprets the accomplishments and failures of the four men who held the position, evaluating Winfield Scott, George B. McClellan, Henry W. Halleck, and Ulysses S. Grant in ways that might surprise many students of Civil War military history.
The Union general-in-chief could take on four major responsibilities. The first was to serve as a military advisor to the president and the secretary of war. The second was to develop policies to govern the huge Union army. The third was to recommend officers to command corps, field armies, and military departments. The fourth was to actually command a portion of the army in field operations, a role that Grant alone fulfilled. Hess shows how the performance of the four men varied greatly across the three other tasks. He also details Grant's unique achievement as a field commander-ending the war, which none of the other Union generals-in-chief were able to do.

Hess illuminates how personality traits helped or hindered the generals-in-chief during the war. McClellan's deeply flawed personality contributed to his failure in fulfilling the duties of the position. Grant's strongly positive personality and will-do attitude, by contrast, helped him to succeed more fully in the role than any of his predecessors.

Hess also offers a much more positive evaluation of Halleck than is typical of the scholarly literature on Civil War commanders. Halleck was not only a successful general-in-chief but also fundamentally supported Grant during the last year of the conflict by serving as chief of staff of the U.S. Army, a fourth member of the management team. From an elderly though distinguished officer like Scott, to Grant, the most effective general of the Civil War, the office of general-in-chief evolved into the crucial military position in the Federal war effort. Hess's study, through a close examination of administrative history, offers a dramatically new way of understanding how the Union army worked in the Civil War.

A tragicomic memoir of a dysfunctional, working-class Brooklyn Jewish family.

The Last of the Ellis Island Jews is a tragicomic memoir of a dysfunctional working-class Brooklyn family that illuminates both the vitality of urban life in the twentieth century and the social turmoil of white flight. As a child of immigrants born to older parents, Dinerstein has a unique perspective on four generations-from his grandparents escaping Russia's pogroms to his parents' embattled marriage to his older Boomer siblings (split between feminist and Republican politics) to his own hippie hopes. As a white teenager in majority Black public schools, Dinerstein's firsthand experience led to his academic career as a scholar of race and music. Yet his family fits no paradigm of Jewish success due to a father with rage and gambling problems, resulting in the four siblings escaping early to the Brooklyn streets. As a family growing up with a diasporic identity, the Dinersteins provide a primer of ethnic Jewish culture through iconic scenes: a selfish Seder, a chaotic Bar Mitzvah, a videotaped bris, an allergy attack at Dachau, a staring contest with the Rebbe. Most of all, The Last of the Ellis Island Jews is a chronicle of lost worlds.

This book is the sequel to Kathleen M. Byrd's 2024 study, Natchitoches, Louisiana, 1803-1840: A Creole Community on the American Frontier. Picking up the story in the 1840s and taking it through the Civil War, Byrd shows in this volume the economic activities of not only the planters and their enslaved workers but also the upland farmers, tradesmen, merchants, and others during the 1840s and 1850s. She then discusses how the disastrous Civil War created challenges for all those living on the home front.

Using the Phanor Prudhomme plantation, located down Cane River from the town of Natchitoches, as a case study, Byrd provides a portrait of life on a Louisiana cotton farm in the years just before the Civil War. Although cotton was the primary cash crop in Natchitoches during this period, most residents were not part of a planter household. Many farmers adopted other strategies, such as mixed-crop farming and herding, to sustain their families. Some small farmers were slaveholders; most were not. They were nonetheless complicit in maintaining slavery, either through renting enslaved people or by striving to become slaveholders themselves.
Byrd shows that the town of Natchitoches served as the economic and social center of the area, a place where larger merchants had stores, wealthy planters had townhouses, and the Catholic diocese had its cathedral and seminary. It was the parish seat with a courthouse, lawyers, and associated government officials, as well as doctors, druggists, and hotel keepers. The town had a newspaper and a racetrack, where the Natchitoches Jockey Club held its annual races.

White residents of Natchitoches were well informed about national developments. After the 1860 presidential election, most men in town voted against immediate secession, but they changed their stance when the Civil War began. Their enthusiasm for the Confederacy ebbed, however, as the war dragged on. The war reached Natchitoches Parish when the Union army invaded the Red River Valley and occupied Natchitoches. Foraging activities by both Union and Confederate soldiers left the town and countryside devastated, while enslaved laborers used the chaos of war to seek freedom.

In Arizona's Quest for Reform, David R. Berman traces the rise and fall of a dynamic coalition of socialists, labor activists, and progressive Democrats led by the influential Governor George Hunt as they pursued sweeping reforms in a rapidly changing state. From the fight for workers' rights and women's suffrage to the use of the initiative process and the role of radical newspapers, Berman brings to life the people and movements that shaped Arizona's early political identity.

Drawing on extensive primary sources and organized in a clear chronological structure, Berman's study reveals the tensions, alliances, and dramatic events that defined Arizona's reform efforts between 1900 and 1920. The book explores the impact of powerful mining interests, railroad companies, and labor unions, while also examining the racialization of Mexican miners and their evolving role in the labor movement. Through vivid storytelling and rigorous scholarship, Berman uncovers the complexities of political change in a state straddling the transition from territory to statehood.

This landmark work will appeal to scholars of western history, labor studies, and political science, as well as general readers interested in Arizona's unique place in the national Progressive movement. Arizona's Quest for Reform not only deepens our understanding of the past but also offers timely insights into the enduring challenges of coalition building, grassroots activism, and political reform. It is a vital contribution to the study of Arizona and the American West.

What does tribal sovereignty really mean-and why does it matter today?

Accessibly written for the nonspecialist, acclaimed historian Donald L. Fixico unpacks the complex history and legal foundations of tribal sovereignty in the United States. From traditional Native governance to landmark treaties, federal laws, and court cases, Fixico guides readers through the evolution of tribal self-rule and its modern expressions-from tribal constitutions to license plates and casinos. Designed for students, educators, tribal members, and professionals alike, this book offers a clear, compelling introduction to one of the most important-and often misunderstood-concepts in American Indian affairs.

This book is a go-to source for understanding the federal Indian laws, treaties, and court cases simplified to explain tribal sovereignty.